“BOLSHEVIK FEMINIST: The Life of Aleksandra Kollontai”
PREFACE
1. See Bibliography, Note on Sources.
2. Aleksandra Mikhailovna Kollontai, Den första etappen (Stockholm: Bon- niers, 1945), p. 177. I am using the definition of the intelligentsia developed by Martin Malia in “What Is the Intelligentsia?” The Russian Intelligentsia, Richard Pipes, ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), pp. 1-18.
1. GIRLHOOD
1. Kollontai, “Iz vospominanii,” Oktiabr, no. 9 (1945), p. 60; “Mikhail Alekseevich Domontovich,” Voennaia entsikjopediia (St. Petersburg, 1912), 9:178.
2. In Kollontai’s memoirs the nanny’s name is given in Russian as Godzheon. I have chosen Hodgson as the likely English original.
3. Kollontai, Den första etappen, p. 140.
4. Gustav Johansson [Carsten Halvorsen], Revolutionens ambassador: Alexandra Kollontays liv och gärning, åren 1892-1917 (Stockholm: Arbetarkulturs- förlag, 1945), p. 52.
5. Kollontai, “Iz vospominanii,” p. 80.
6. Ibid., p. 61.
7. Ibid., p. 68.
8. Ibid., p. 65.
9. Ibid., p. 75.
10. Kollontai maintained that Mravinskii did not know he was working for the police. Ariadne Tyrkova-Williams, a Kadet and an opponent of Kollontai’s, wrote that he was a police agent (Tyrkova-Vil’iams, Na putiakh k svobodu [New York: Izd-vo. im. Chekhova, 1952], p. 401). Neither woman was unbiased; therefore Mravinskii’s relationship to the police remains a mystery.
11. Kollontai, Den första etappen, pp. 80-84.
12. Ibid., pp. 83-84.
13. Ibid., p. 72.
14. Ibid., p. 117.
15. Halvorsen, p. 26.
16. Kollontai, Den första etappen, p. 156.
17. Ibid., p. 209.
18. Ibid., p. 211.
19. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni i raboty (Moscow: Sovetskaia Rossiia, 1974),
20. Kollontai, Den första etappen, p. 217.
21. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, no. 1 (1921), p. 261.
22. Kollontai, Den första etappen, pp. 218-19.
23. Ibid., pp. 7, 218-20.
24. Ibid., p. 226.
25. Ibid., pp. 226, 227-28.
26. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 73.
27. Kollontai, Den första etappen, p. 234.
28. Ibid., pp. 176-77.
29. Ibid., p. 185.
30. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni i raboty, p. 85; Kollontai, Den första etappen, pp. 238-42.
31. Kollontai, Den första etappen, pp. 244, 245.
32. Ibid., p. 246.
33. Ibid., pp. 255-56.
34. Ibid., p. 257.
35. Ibid., p. 78, 258.
36. Kollontai, “Osnovy vospitaniia po vzgliadam Dobroliubova,” Obrazo- vanie, no. 9 (September 1898), p. 2.
37. Ibid., no. 10 (October 1898), p. 3.
38. Ibid., pp. 17, 14.
2. SOCIAL DEMOCRAT
1. George Lichtheim, Marxism: An Historical and Critical Study, 2d ed. (New York: Praeger, 1965), pp. 286-89; Peter Gay, The Dilemma of Democratic Socialism: Eduard Bernstein’s Challenge to Marx (New York: Collier, 1962), pp. 110-30, 146-51, 166-74.
2. Adam Ulam, The Bolsheviks (New York: Collier, 1965), pp. 150-51; John L. H. Keep, The Rise of Social Democracy in Russia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), pp. 58-59.
3. Samuel Baron, Plekhanov, the Father of Russian Marxism (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1963), p. 200; Ulam, The Bolsheviks, p. 151; Keep, The Rise of Social Democracy in Russia, pp. 59-65.
4. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 263.
5. See below, p. 33.
6. George Lichtheim has written that there are strong elements of liberalism in Bernstein, and naturally nonrevisionists perceived that. (Marxism, pp. 287-89.)
7. Halvorsen, p. 93; Erkki Salomaa, “Pervoe nauchnoe issledovanie o zhizni finskikh rabochikh,” Skandinavskii sbornik 7 (1963):300.
8. Salomaa, p. 299.
9. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 265; Kollontai, “Kollontai, Aleksandra Mikhailovna,” Deiateli SSSR i Okfiabr’skoi Revoliutsii: Entsikjo- pedicheshii slovar’, 3 parts (Moscow and Leningrad: Granat, 1925-28), part 1, p. 199.
10. Halvorsen, p. 95.
11. Ibid., p. 94.
12. Ibid., p. 93.
13. Anna Markovna Itkina, Revoliutsioner, tribun, diplomat: Stranitsi zhizni Aleksandry Mikhailovny Kollontai, 2d ed., enlarged (Moscow: Politizdat, 1970), pp. 35-36.
14. Kollontai, Den första etappen, p. 110.
15. Kollontai, “Promyshlennost’ i torgovlia Velikogo Kniazhestva Finliand-skogo,” Nauchnoe obozrenie, no. 1 (1901), p. 9.
16. Ibid., pp. 24-36; Kollontai, Zhizn' finliandskikh rabochikh (St. Petersburg: Khudozhestvennyi pechat, 1903), pp. 5, 71-106, 124, 221.
17. Kollontai, “Zemelyni vopros v Finliandii,” Nauchnoe obozrenie, no. 4 (1902), p. 136.
18. Ibid., pp. 134-36.
19. See Akselrod’s request for a copy of one of her articles in P. B. Akselrod, Pis’ma Akjel’roda i lu. O. Martova, Russian Reprint Series, Alexandre V. Soloviev and Alan Kimball, eds. (The Hague: Mouton, 1967), p. 168.
20. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” pp. 265-66.
21. Halvorsen, p. 100.
22. E. D. Stasova, Vospominaniia (Moscow: Mysl, 1969), pp. 113-14.
23. Halvorsen, p. 104.
24. Ibid.
25. Vladimir Il’ich Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 5th ed. in 56 volumes (Moscow: Politizdat, 1958-66), 47:6.
26. Keep, The Rise of Social Democracy, pp. 190, 281.
27. See her attack on the German trade unions for their compromise tactics in Kollontai, “Itogi mangeimskogo s”ezda (sotsial’demokraticheskaia partiia i professional’nye soiuzy),” Sovremennyi mir 1 (November 1906): 1-19.
28. Kollontai, “Kollontai,” p. 200; Halvorsen, p. 112.
29. Kollontai, K voprosu o klassovoi bor’be (St. Petersburg: Malykh, 1905), p. 7, 12.
30. Ibid., p. 31.
31. Kollontai, “Kto takie sotsial-demokraty i chego oni khotiat?” Rabochii ezhegodnik 1 (1906):79, 82.
32. Ibid., pp. 78, 85.
33. I am adapting here the analysis of Philip Converse (“The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics,” Ideology and Discontent, David E. Apter, ed. [New York: The Free Press, 1964], p. 208). He uses the concept “idea-element” to designate components of belief systems, and he asserts that “idea-elements in a belief system vary in a property we shall call centrality according to the role that they play in the belief system as a whole.” (Ibid.) The greater its centrality the more fundamental an idea-element is to a belief system. It is therefore less likely to change either over time or under stress than the more peripheral premises. I would add that the central idea-elements are tightly tied to the intellectual and emotional needs of which the ideology is an expression. Not only are they logically necessary to the belief system, but they are also psychologically necessary. The presence of psychological need will reinforce the tendency to defend these idea-elements from change. It also follows that individuals within a movement ostensibly sharing one ideology will differ in the centrality of idea-elements to their own individual belief systems, and that those differences spring from psychological as well as intellectual causes. Thus an ostensibly like-minded group like the Bolsheviks is actually an amalgam of individuals, bound together by certain shared idea-elements but differing in the importance they attach to those components of their belief systems. They are far more like a mixture than a compound, hence their volatility.
34. Gay, Bernstein, pp. 151-60.
35. Kollontai, “Problema nravstvennosti s positivnoi tochki zreniia,” Obrazo- vanie 14 (September 1905):80.
36. Kollontai, “Etika i sotsial-demokratiia (po povodu state g. Pokrovskogo v No. 4 ‘Poliarnoi zvezdy,’)” Obrazovanie, 15, no. 2 (February 1906), pp. 24, 25, 26, 27. Emphasis Kollontai’s.
37. Kollontai, “Problema nravstvennosti,” Obrazovanie, (September 1905):94.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid., (October 1905) :97.
40. Ibid., p. 96.
41. Kollontai, “Etika,” p. 30.
42. Kollontai, “Problema nravstvennosti,” no. 10, pp. 106, 106-7.
3. SOCIALIST FEMINIST
1. Marie Zebrikoff, “Russia,” in The Woman Question in Europe, Theodore Stanton, ed., unabridged republication of the 1884 New York edition (New York: Source Book Press, 1970), p. 400; Käthe Schirmacher, The Modern Womans Rights Movement, Carl Conrad Eckhardt, trans. (New York: Macmillan, 1912), pp. 226-27.
2. Richard Stites, “M. L. Mikhailov and the Emergence of the Woman Question in Russia,” Canadian Slavic Studies 3 (Summer 1969): 180-81, 187-95.
3. Robert H. McNeal, “Women in the Russian Radical Movement,” Journal of Social History (Winter 1971-72), p. 144.
4. See Barbara Alpern Engel and Clifford N. Rosenthal, eds. and trans., Five Sisters: Women Against the Tsar (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975).
5. See Richard Stites, “Women’s Liberation Movements in Russia, 19001930,” Canadian-American Slavic Studies 7, no. 4 (Winter 1973):460-74.
6. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” pp. 267-68, 270.
7. See Rose Glickman, “The Russian Factory Woman, 1880-1914,” Women in Russia, Dorothy Atkinson, Alexander Dallin, and Gail Warshofsky Lapidus, eds. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977), pp. 64-73.
8. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 271. It is not altogether accurate to refer to the German organization as a “Woman’s Bureau” until 1908; before that the agitators who worked with women were called Vertrauens- personen, their leader in Berlin was the Zentralvertrauensperson. In 1908, when the German government legalized female participation in political parties, the SPD established a Frauenbureau.
9. Ibid., p. 272. Emphasis Kollontai’s.
10. Kollontai, “K istorii dvizheniia rabotnits v Rossii,” Kom m unisticheskaia partiia i organizatsiia rabotnits (Moscow and Petrograd: Kommunist, 1919), p. 75; S. N. Serditova, Bol'sheviki v bor’be za zhenskie proletarskie massy (Moscow: Politizdat, 1959), p. 55n.
11. Kollontai, “K istorii,” p. 76; Kollontai, “Na puti k kommunizmu i polnomu raskreposhcheniiu zhenshchiny,” Kommunisticheskaia partiia Sovets- kogo Soiuza, Tri goda diktatury proletariata (Itogi raboty sredi zhenshchin Moskovskoi Organizatsii RKP) (Moscow: Izd. Moskovskogo komiteta RKP, [1921]), pp. 13-14. According to one Soviet source women workers were already attending the clubs organized predominantly for men. He estimates the figure for female participation at 15-20 percent. The men did not really welcome them, however, and when asked why they did not bring their wives, they often replied, “Why, what would she do here?” (I. D. Levin, “Rabochie kluby v Peterburge,” Vserossiiskii tsentral’nyi sovet professional’nykh soiuzov, Komis- sia po izucheniiu istorii professional’nogo dvizheniia v SSSR, Materialy po istorii professional’nogo dvizheniia v Rossii [Moscow: VTsSPS, n.d.], p. 99.)
12. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” pp. 274-75. Elsewhere Kollontai charged that party comrades had “broken up” the club, but she did not say who or how. (Kollontai, “Zhenskoe rabochee dvizhenie,” Nasha zaria, no. 2 [1913], p. 16.)
13. Kollontai, Sotsial’nye osnovy zhenskogo voprosa (St. Petersburg: Znanie, 1909), pp. 314-15.
14. Vörwarts, 18 August, 21 August 1907. For Zetkin’s proposals see International Socialist Congress, 7th, Stuttgart, 1907, Compte rendu analytique (Brussels: Brismee, 1908), p. 261, 329-43.
15. Kollontai, “Dva techeniia (po povodu pervoi mezhdunarodnoi zhenskoi sotsialisticheskoi konferentsii v Shtutgarte),” Obrazovanie 16 (October 1907): 54.
16. Friedrich Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State (New York: International Publishers, 1940), p. 5.
17. Ibid., p. 6. Emphasis Engels’s.
18. H. Kent Geiger, The Family in Soviet Russia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 29-32, 39. Engels was criticized on this point by contemporaries Heinrich Cunow and Karl Kautsky. See Werner Thönnessen, The Emancipation of Women: The Rise and Decline of the Women’s Movement in German Social Democracy 1863-1933, Joris de Bres, trans. (London: Pluto Press, 1973), p. 38.
19. Engels, Origin, p. 47. Emphasis Engels’s.
20. Ibid., pp. 54, 56.
21. Ibid., pp. 61, 62.
22. Ibid., pp. 68, 63, 68.
23. Ibid., p. 68.
24. August Bebel, Woman Under Socialism, trans. from the 33rd edition by Daniel De Leon (New York: New York Labor News, 1904), p. 65. I am discussing Bebel after Engels, even though his book was published earlier, because his later editions, which I am summarizing, drew on Engels.
25. Ibid., p. 150. Emphasis Bebel’s.
26. Ibid., p. 180.
27. Ibid., pp. 115, 116.
28. Ibid., p. 86.
29. Ibid., p. 349.
30. For an analysis of these attitudes see Alfred Meyer, “Marxism and the Women’s Movement,” Women in Russia, pp. 98-102.
31. Kollontai, Sotsial'nye osnovy, p. 45.
32. Ibid., p. 56.
33. Ibid., p. 89. The program is repeated in greater detail on pp. 227-29.
34. Ibid., p. 111.
35. Ibid., pp. 114, 135.
36. Ibid., pp. 196-97.
37. Ibid., pp. 241-430.
38. Ibid., p. 286. Emphasis Kollontai’s.
39. Ibid., pp. 287, 298-99, 388.
40. Ibid., p. 110.
41. Kollontai, “K istorii dvizheniia rabotnits,” p. 79.
42. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 279.
43. Kollontai, “K istorii dvizheniia rabotnits,” p. 79.
44. This account of the preparations for the Woman’s Congress is based on Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” pp. 276-79; Kollontai, “K istorii dvizheniia rabotnits,” pp. 77-79; Kollontai, “Zhenshchina-rabotnitsa na pervom feministskom s”ezde v Rossii,” Golos sotsial-demokrata 2 (March 1909):6-7.
45. Linda Edmondson, “Russian Feminists and the First All-Russian Congress of Women,” Russian History 3, part 2 (1976), p. 131.
46. Kollontai, “Zhenskoe rabochee dvizhenie,” p. 6.
47. Kollontai, “Zhenshchina-rabotnitsa v sovremennom obshchestve,” Trudy 1 vserossiiskogo zhenskogo s"ezda (St. Petersburg: 1908), pp. 800-801.
48. Ibid.
49. Edmondson, “The Russian Feminists and the First All-Russian Congress of Women,” p. 147.
50. Kollontai, “Zhenskoe rabochee dvizhenie,” p. 7.
51. A. Ermanskii, “Vserossiiskii zhenskii s”ezd,” Sovremennyi mir, no. 1-2 (January 1909), pp. 108-12; W., “Zhenskii s”ezd i rabochaia gruppa (Pis’mo iz Peterburga),” Golos sotsial'demokrata 2 (March 1909) :7—8. A Soviet scholar, V. N. Smirnova, has written that this advocacy of cooperation with “democratic elements” was a Menshevik, “liquidationist” approach not shared by the Bolsheviks. Smirnova also attempts to show that throughout 1908 the Bolsheviks supported the congress work, while the Mensheviks opposed it. There is no contemporary evidence that the Petersburg Committee members of the two factions differed significantly on the issue, however. Furthermore, the Bolsheviks seem to have held the majority on the committee at that point, and Slutskaia, the delegate sent to head the delegation at the last minute, was a Bolshevik. Thus the argument that the pro-congress Bolsheviks were thwarted by the anti-congress Mensheviks seems inaccurate. (V. N. Smirnova, “Iz istorii bor’by za razoblachenie burzhuaznogo feminizma v Rossii,” Voprosy istorii, filologii, i pedagogiki 2 [1967]:34-35.) Despite these shortcomings, Smirnova is franker than most Soviet scholars who have written about the congress. Several attempt to present the delegation as purely Bolshevik and write as if Kollontai were a Bolshevik. See, for example, E. I. Bochkareva and S. Liubimova, Svetlyi put’ (Moscow: Politizdat, 1967), p. 29; I. M. Dazhina, “Pre- dislovie,” in Kollontai, Izbrannye stat’i i rechi (Moscow: Politizdat, 1972), pp. 6-8; Itkina, pp. 47-53.
52. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 280.
53. Karen Honeycutt, “Clara Zetkin: A Socialist Attempt to Combat Woman’s Oppression,” paper presented at the Second Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, Cambridge, Mass., October 1974, pp. 13-21.
54. Kollontai, Po rabochei Evrope (St. Petersburg: Semenov, 1912), p. 116.
55. G. D. Petrov, “Aleksandra Kollontai nakanune i v gody pervoi mirovoi voiny,” Novaia i noveishaia istoriia 13 (1969):70.
56. International Socialist Congress, 8th, Copenhagen, 1910, Compte rendu analytique (n.p.: “Volksdrukkerij,” 1911), pp. 492-95; Vörwarts, 28 August 1910.
57. Kollontai, “Itogi vtoroi mezhdunarodnoi zhenskoi sotsialisticheskoi konferentsii,” Nasha zaria 1 (September 1910) :93—94.
58. For the Braun-Zetkin disagreement over insurance funding see Jacqueline Strain, “Feminism and Political Radicalism in the German Social-Democratic Movement, 1890-1914” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1964), pp. 183-86.
59. Ibid., p. 95.
60. I. M. Maiskii, “A. M. Kollontai,” Oktiabr’, no. 7 (1962), pp. 107-8.
61. Ibid.
62. Arbetet, 5 September 1910. For Kollontai’s record of the congress see also Po rabochei Evrope, pp. 260-68.
63. Kollontai said that prostitution could be eradicated only by fundamentally improving the lives of working women, not by giving them charity. See Kollontai, “Zadachi s”ezda po bor’be s prostitutsiei,” Vozrozhdenie 2 (30 March 1910):8—17; “Zadachi rabotnits v bor’be s prostitutsiei,” Golos’ sotsial-demokrata 3 (April 1910) :3—4; “Proletariat i burzhuaziia v bor’be s prostitut- siei,” Pravda (Vienna), 24 June (7 July) 1910, p. 3; “Itogi s”ezda po bor’be s prostitutsiei,” Sotsial’ demokrata, 22 July (5 July), 1910, pp. 5-6. Kollontai’s letters to Russia on this subject attracted the attention of the Okhrana, or tsarist police, in Paris, and it prepared a report listing Kollontai as “one of the most prominent and active” of the Russian Social Democrats in Berlin. See Paris Okhrana Files, XVIIn, folder 26, Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, Stanford.
64. Kollontai, “K istorii dvizheniia rabotnits,” p. 84.
65. Savva Dangulov, Dvenadtsat’ dorog na Egl (Moscow: Sovetskaia Rossiia, 1970), pp. 321-22.
66. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk” pp. 283-84. See also the articles for this period listed in the Bibliography.
67. I. M. Dazhina, one of the few scholars given access to Kollontai’s archive at the Marx-Lenin Institute in Moscow, has confirmed that Kollontai wrote her reminiscences from diaries. See Dazhina, “Aleksandra Kollontai o sebe i svoei epokhe,” in Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 7.
68. Kollontai, Po rabochei Evrope, p. 32.
69. Ibid., p. 35.
70. Ibid., p. 16.
71. Halvorsen, p. 176. The sources on this episode are complex. Kollontai referred in print to Maslov as a colleague, once in a review of his books (“Sud’ba chelovechestva v voprose narodnogo naseleniia,” Zhizn’ [September 1910], pp. 10-24) and many years later in a memoir article (“Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 274). She described the affair in a 1923 novelette, Bol’shaia liubov' [A Great Love], but she named the man Senia. The first contemporary of hers to write about the subject was Gustav Johansson, but he did not identify her lover. Much later he and Kollontai’s secretary Emy Lorentsson told Kaare Hauge that the man was Maslov. See Kaare Hauge, “Alexandra Mikhailovna Kollontai: The Scandinavian Period, 1922-1945” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1971), p. 28; Halvorsen, pp. 173-76.
72. Kollontai, “Bol’shaia liubov’,” Zhenshchina na perelome (Moscow and Petrograd: Gosizdat, 1923), p. 91.
73. Kollontai reissued all three virtually without editing in 1918 under the tide Novaia moral’ i rabochii klass (Moscow: Izd. VTsIK, 1918). References below are to this edition because it is more easily available. I have compared it sentence by sentence to the original articles and Kollontai changed only the phrase “progressive class” to “working class.” The following discussion is also based on two less important, but related articles, “Dve pravdy,” Novaia zhizn,’ no. 8 (1912), pp. 166-75, and “Soiuz zashchity materinstva i reforma seksual’- noi morali,” Novaia zhizn,’ no. 11 (1912), pp. 239-54.
74. Kollontai, Novaia moral,’ pp. 40-41.
75. Ibid., p. 51.
76. Ibid., p. 57.
77. Ibid., p. 12.
78. This theme is developed particularly in “Dve pravdy.”
79. Kollontai, Novaia moral,' p. 15.
80. Ibid., pp. 60-61. Emphasis mine.
81. Kollontai’s 1905-6 articles also show traces of Bogdanov’s influence in their similar, though more muted stress on proletarian ideology. See above, pp. 35-38. According to Bogdanov, “Custom, law, morality are a special series of adaptation-mechanisms directed towards achieving the most harmonious relations between people in the social-labor process.” Quoted by S. V. Utechin, “Philosophy and Science: Alexander Bogdanov,” in Revisionism, Essays on the History of Marxist Ideas, Leopold Labedz, ed. (New York: Praeger, 1962), p. 121.
82. Kollontai, Novaia moral', p. 59.
83. Ibid., p. 6.
84. Ibid., pp. 7, 35.
85. Ibid., p. 9.
86. Ibid., p. 20.
87. Ibid., p. 45.
88. For the testimony to this process see Inessa Armand, Rabotnitsy v Inter- natsionale (Moscow: n.p., 1920), p. 20; Vera Dridzo, “Slovo iasnoe, prostoe i glubkoe: Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaia i zhurnal ‘Rabotnitsa,’ ” Vsegda s vami: Sbornik posviashchennyi 50-letiiu "Rabotnitsa" (Moscow: Rabotnitsa, 1965), p. 31; A. I. Elizarova, “Rozhdenie ‘Rabotnitsy,’ ” Vsegda s vami, p. 23; A. Grigor’eva-Alekseeva, “Vpervye v Rossii,” Zhenshchiny v russkoi revoliutsii (Moscow: Politizdat, 1959), p. 95; Kollontai “I v Rossii budet zhenskii den’,” Izbrannye stat’i, pp. 126—27; Kollontai, “K istorii zhenskogo dvizhenii,” pp. 84-85; Lenin, PSS, 55:448; S. T. Liubimova, “Raznostoronnii um i bol’shoe serdtse,” Riadom s Leninym: Vospominaniia ? N. K. Krupskoi (Moscow: Politizdat, 1969), p. 295. See also Anne Bobroff, “The Bolsheviks and Working Women, 1905-30,” Soviet Studies 26 (1974):549—55; Rose Glickman, “The Russian Factory Woman, 1880-1914,” Women in Russia, pp. 79-83. Both of these historians question 1912 as a time of new female participation. Possibly the Bolsheviks thought they saw an awareness which was not actually different from earlier years.
89. “Samoilova, Konkordiia Nikolaevna,” Deiateli SSSR i Oktiabr’skoi Revoliutsii, part 3, pp. 1-2.
90. Bertram Wolfe, “Lenin and Inessa Armand,” Slavic Review 22 (March
91. Ibid., pp. 99-102.
92. Jean Fréville, Inessa Armand: Une Grande Figure de la Révolution Russe (Paris: Éditions sociales, 1957), p. 72.
93. G. I. Petrovskii, “Zhizn’ polnaia blagorodstva i predannosti idee kom- munizma,” Riadom s Leninym, p. 85.
94. “Krupskaia Nadezhda Konstantinovna,” Deiateli SSSR i Oktiabr’skoi Revoliutsii, part 1, p. 237.
95. Grigor’eva-Alekseeva, pp. 96-98; Samoilova, V ob”edinenii zalog pobedu (K mezhdunarodnomu sotsialisticheskomu dniu rabotnits 8 marta 1921) (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1921), p. 10.
96. Armand, Rabotnitsy v Internatsionale, p. 22; Liudmilla Stal’, “Istoriia zhurnala ‘Rabotnitsa’,” Zhenshchiny v russkpi revoliutsii, p. 108; Vsegda s vami, pp. 48, 50, 55, 58, 59; Fréville, Inessa Armand, pp. 80-81.
97. Kollontai, “Zhenskoe rabochee dvizhenie,” p. 6; Kollontai, “Zashchita materinstva,” Nasha zaria, no. 9 (1913), p. 21. See also Kollontai, “Zhenskii den’,” Pravda, 17 February 1913, as reprinted in Izbrannye stat’i, pp. 109-12; Kollontai, “Zhenskii den’ priblizhaetsia,” Novaia rabochaia gazeta, 21 January 1914, p. 2; Kollontai, “I v Rossii budet zhenskii den’,” pp. 125-27. All these articles call for a woman’s bureau and maternity insurance.
98. As quoted in Dridzo, “Slovo iasnoe,” p. 32. The article never appeared in Rabotnitsa because the police confiscated it.
99. S-va, “K mezhdunarodnomu dniu zhenshchin-rabotnits,” Put’ pravdy, 29 January 1914, p. 2.
100. Dridzo, “Slovo iasnoe,” pp. 25-26; Z. P. Igumnova, Zhenshchiny Moskvy v gody grazhdanskoi voine (Moscow: Moskovskii rabochii, 1958), p. 8.
101. Lenin, PSS, 48:336.
102. Ibid., pp. 303-4. Emphasis Lenin’s.
103. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 290; Akademiia nauk SSSR, Institut istorii, Istoriia vtorogo Internatsionala, 2 v (Moscow: Nauka, 1965-66), 2:380. See also two of Kollontai’s letters in the Nicolaevsky Archive, N. 119, Box 2, Item 28, Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace.
4. INTERNATIONALIST
1. G. D. Petrov, “Meridiany druzhby,” Moskva, no. 1 (1967), pp. 163-64; Akademiia nauk, Istoriia vtorogo Internatsionala, 2:243.
2. Itkina, pp. 82-83.
3. Kollontai, Otryvki iz dnevnika 1914 g. (Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1925), p. 5.
4. Ibid., p. 24.
5. Kollontai, “Golos Lenina,” Oktiabr' 40 (1963) :5.
6. Kollontai, Otryvki, p. 42.
7. Kollontai, “Golos Lenina,” p. 5.
8. Kollontai, Autobiographie einer sexuell emanzipierten Kommunistin, Iring Fetscher, ed. (Munich: Rogner and Bernhard, 1970), p. 32.
9. Kollontai, “Till de socialistiska kvinnorna i alla lander,” Stormklockan, 15 November 1914, p. 2.
10. Michael Futrell, Northern Underground (New York: Praeger, 1963), p. 86; A. G. Shliapnikov, “Shliapnikov, Aleksandr Gavrilovich,” Deiateli SSSR i Oktiabr’skoi Revoliutsii, part 3, p. 245.
11. Ibid., pp. 246-49; G. Shklovskii, “Vladimir Il’ich nakanune Bernskoi konferentsii,” Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, no. 5 (40) (May 1925), p. 142.
12. Futrell, p. 106.
13. Lenin, PSS, 49:20-21.
14. Itkina, p. 96.
15. Lenin, PSS, 49:39; Leninskii sbornik, 3rd edition in 35 vols. (Moscow and Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1925), 2:221, 222-23; G. D. Petrov, “A. M. Kollontai v gody pervoi mirovoi voiny,” Istoriia SSSR, no. 3 (1968), p. 86.
16. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 291; Riksdagens protokoll vid lagtima riksmötet år 1915: Andra kammaren (Stockholm: Norstedt, 1915), 1:54-55.
17. Kollontai, “Kriget och våra närmaste uppgifter,” Forsvarsnihilisten, no. 11 (1914), as reprinted in lzbrannye stat’i, pp. 128-32.
18. Hjalmar Branting, “Alexandra Kollontay utvisad!” Socialdemokraten, 21 November 1914, p. 3.
19. Dangulov, Dvenadtsat’ dorog na Egl, pp. 300-301.
20. Zeth Höglund, “Den skamliga utvisningen,” Stormklockan, 28 November 1914, p. 1; Halvorsen, pp. 214, 211; Dangulov, Dvenadtsat’ dorog na Egl, p. 301. For the parliamentary debate see Riksdagens protokoll, 1915, 1:47-48, 54-56, 60-61, 64-66.
21. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 38; Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 173.
22. Kollontai, “Chto delat’? Otvet sotsialistkam,” Nashe slovo, 19 February 1915, p. 1; “K vozrozhdeniiu,” Nashe slovo, 28 April 1915, p. 1; “Kopenga- genskaia konferentsiia,” Nashe slovo, 29 January 1915, p. 2; “Kopengagenskaia konferentsiia,” Nashe slovo, 2 February 1915, p. 1; “V Germanii,” Nashe slovo, 8 April 1915, p. 1; “Vmesto ‘zhenskogo dnia,’—internatsional’naia demon- stratsiia sotsialistok,” Nashe slovo, 25 February 1915, p. 2; “Zhenskii den’,” Nashe slovo, 18 March 1915, p. 2; “Zhenskii sotsialisticheskoi Internatsional i voina,” Nashe slovo, 7 March 1915, pp. 3-4; “Fosterlandsförsvar eller inter- nationell solidaritet,” Stormklockan, 26 December 1914, pp. 6-7.
23. V. S. Nevolina and N. V. Orlova, eds., “O mezhdunarodnoi zhenskoi sotsialisticheskoi konferentsii v 1915 g.,” Istoricheskii arkhiv, no. 3 (1960), p. 113.
24. Ibid., p. 117.
25. Kollontai, “Germanskaia sotsialdemokratiia v pervye dni voiny,” Nashe slovo, 4 April 1915, p. 2; 9 April 1915, pp. 1-2; 10 April 1915, p. 1.
26. Nevolina and Orlova, “O mezhdunarodnoi zhenskoi konferentsii,” p. 123.
27. Kollontai, “Pochemu molchal proletariat Germanii v iiul’skie dni,” Kom- munist, no. 1-2 (1915), pp. 159-61.
28. Trotsky was attempting the same task. See Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Armed: Trotsky, 1879-1921 (New York: Vintage, 1954), pp. 216-26.
29. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 293; Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 36; Lenin, PSS, 49:76-77, 94-95. In the second letter Lenin’s tone was friendly and informal, and he signed it “Yours, Lenin.” As the year progressed he became surer of Kollontai and his letters became friendlier.
30. I. M. Dazhina and P. Tsivlina, eds., “Iz arkhiva A. M. Kollontai,” Inostrannaia literatura, no. 1 (1970), p. 227.
31. Ibid., p. 228. See also Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 181-85. Although she now criticized Nashe slovo for indecision, Kollontai continued to contribute to it. On one article in April 1916 the editors (Trotsky?) politely noted that the writer’s views were those of a Leninist (Kollontai, “Vesti iz Rossii: Interv’iu s ‘obyvatelem,’ ” Nashe slovo, 18 April 1916, p. 1). See Bibliography for a list of her other articles in Nashe slovo.
32. Kollontai, Komu nuzhna voina? (Bern: TsK RSDRP, 1916); Lenin, PSS, 49:106-7, 118.
33. Stephen F. Cohen, Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973), pp. 24-25, 36-37; Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 293; Kollontai, “ ‘Belyi’ i ‘zheltyi’ kapitalizm,” Nashe slovo, 20 June 1915, pp. 1-2. See also an earlier article which argued against the validity of “national culture” in an international era; “Fosterlandsförsvar eller inter- nationell solidaritet,” Stormklockan, 26 December 1914, pp. 6-7. For further evidence on her position in the summer of 1915 see Iz moei zhizni, p. 186.
34. G. D. Petrov, “O broshiure A. M. Kollontai ‘Komu nuzhna voina,’ ” Sovetskie arkhivy, no. 5 (1968), p. 110.
35. L. D. Trotskii, Nashe slovo, no. 10, 10 May 1916, as quoted in Deutschcr, The Prophet Armed, p. 225.
36. Shliapnikov had come to Norway in 1915, because, he said, life was cheaper there and police surveillance lighter. One suspects Kollontai also had something to do with his decision. He remained in Sweden until April, when he went to Britain, then back to Russia in midsummer. He passed through Christiania en route. In early 1916 he returned to Scandinavia. A. G. Shliapnikov, Nakanune 1917 goda, 2 vols. (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1920), 1:62-71, 188.
37. Petrov, “A. M. Kollontai v gody mirovoi voiny,” p. 92; Dazhina and Tsivlina, “Iz arkhiva A. M. Kollontai,” no. 2, p. 227; Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 175. Höglund did not discuss these talks in his articles about Kollontai, beyond saying in his memoirs that she and Shliapnikov presented Lenin’s views to him. (Minnen i fackelsen, 3 vols. [Stockholm: Tiden, 1951— 60], 2:178.) Nerman also gave no details in his later writing about Kollontai (I vilda östern [Stockholm: Ljungbergs förlag, 1930]; “Lika vacker som klok,” Roster i radio, no. 20 [1967], pp. 14-15).
38. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 188; Lenin, PSS, 49:138.
39. Ibid., p. 193.
40. Kollontai, “Amerikanskie dnevniki A. M. Kollontai, 1915-1916,” Isto- richeskii arkhiv 1 (January 1962): 133.
41. Theodore Draper, The Roots of American Communism (New York: Viking, 1957), p. 57.
42. Ibid., pp. 66-67.
43. Ludwig Lore, “Leon Trotsky,” One Year of Revolution (Brooklyn: Socialist Publication Society, 1918), p. 7.
44. Horst Lademacher, ed., Die Zimmerwalder Bewegung, 2 vols. (The Hague: Mouton, 1967), 2:176-78; Kollontai, “Amerikanskie dnevniki,” p. 135; D. Baevskii, “Bol’sheviki v Tsimmerval’de,” Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, no. 5 (1935), pp. 38-39.
45. Kollontai, “Amerikanskie dnevniki,” pp. 135, 138, 143.
46. Ibid., p. 138. For representative interviews see “Says Kaiser and Czar Fear Revolt at Home,” New York Times, 11 October 1915, sec. 1, p. 3; Cleveland Plain Dealer, 15 December 1915, sec. 1, p. 1.
47. Kollontai, “Amerikanskie dnevniki,” p. 149. The italicized portions are in English in the original.
48. Ibid., p. 146; Tyrkova-Vil’iams, Na putiakh k svobode, pp. 78-79; “A. Kolontai [sic] protiv samooborony (pis’mo iz Detroita),” Svobodonoe slovo, no. 5 (February 1916), pp. 309-11. A Soviet historian wrote that Kollontai sought to unite the various Russian communities and bolshevize them, but nothing in her diary bears that out. (Petrov, “A. M. Kollontai v gody pervoi mirovoi voiny,” p. 94; Petrov, “Aleksandra Kollontai v SShA,” Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 [1972], pp. 130, 134.) Lenin told her to put Bolsheviks everywhere in touch with him, which she may have attempted to do with limited success. (Leninshii sbornik, 2:354.) For some reason, the paragraph telling her to contact Bolsheviks was left out of this letter as published in PSS, 49:163-64.
49. Kollontai, “Amerikanskie dnevniki,” p. 149. The italicized portions are in English in the original.
50. Kollontai, “The Attitude of the Russian Socialists,” New Review 4 (March 1916):60—61; Kollontai, “Do Internationalists Want a Split?” International Socialist Review 16 (January 1916):394—96; Kollontai, “The Third International,” The American Socialist, 23 October 1915, p. 2.
51. Draper, Roots of American Communism, pp. 75-76.
52. Kollontai, “Amerikanskie dnevniki,” pp. 155-56.
53. He found to his dismay that the people he was to contact in New York were all on vacation. Shliapnikov, Nakanune 1917 goda, pp. 188-94.
54. Merle Fainsod, International Socialism and the World War (New York: Octagon Books, 1973), p. 118; N. E. Korolev, Lenin i mezhdunarodnoe rabochee dvizhenie 1914-1918 (Moscow: Politizdat, 1968), pp. 138-39; Lade- macher, Zimmerwalder Bewegung, 2:560-62, 570-71, 578—79; A. P. Iakushina, “Iz istorii antivoennoi deiatel’nosti bol’shevikov pod rukovodstvom V. I. Lenina,” Voprosy istorii KPSS, no. 2 (1962), p. 159; Lenin, PSS, 49:237.
55. Kollontai, Obshchestvo i materinstvo (Petrograd: Zhizn’ i znanie, 1916), P· 9.
56. For the earlier articles see “Groznyi prizrak,” Sovremennyi mir, no. 3 (1914), pp. 65-84; “Krest materinstva,” Sovremennyi mir, no. 1 (1914), pp. 42-54; “Novye zakony strakhovaniia materinstva,” Rabotnitsa-mat' (St. Petersburg: Bib. Rabotnitsy, 1914); “ ‘Soiuz zashchity materinstva’ i reforma seksual’- noi morali”; “Zashchita materinstva”; “Staatliche Mütterschaftsversicherung,” Die Neue Zeit, 1, no. 10 (December 1914), pp. 363-71.
57. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 180.
58. Sir Bernard Pares met Vladimir Kollontai at the front in 1915 and found him “cool headed” and “practical.” (My Russian Memoirs [London: Jonathan Cape, 1931], p. 303.) Kollontai had remarried; he died in 1918 in the civil war.
59. Dazhina and Tsivlina, “Iz arkhivy,” no. 2, p. 236.
60. Petrov, “Meridiany druzhby,” pp. 164-65.
61. Dazhina and Tsivlina, “Iz arkhivy,” no. 2, p. 238.
62. Ibid., p. 239.
63. Ibid., p. 240; Lenin, PSS, 49:387.
64. Cohen, Bukharin, p. 43; Dazhina and Tsivlina, “Iz arkhivy,” no. 2, p. 242.
65. Ia. G. Temkin, Lenin i mezhdunarodnaia sotsial-demokratiia 1914—1917 (Moscow: Nauka, 1968), p. 499; Dazhina and Tsivlina, “Iz arkhivy,” no. 2, pp. 242-43.
66. Lore, “Trotsky,” p. 7.
67. Draper, Roots of American Communism, pp. 80-81; Dazhina and Tsivlina, “Iz arkhivy,” no. 2, p. 242.
68. Ibid., no. 2, pp. 242-43, 240; Draper, Roots of American Communism, p. 82. See Lademacher, Zimmerwalder Bewegung, 2:688, for a letter from Kollontai to Grimm asking him to pay more attention to the United States. Kollontai was not aware that Lenin and Grimm had quarrelled.
69. Lenin, PSS, 49:387-89.
70. Ibid., pp. 393-96.
71. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 230.
72. Kollontai, “Komu nuzhen tsar?” lzbrannye stat’i, pp. 195-204.
73. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 231-32.
5. REVOLUTION
1. Kollontai, “Skoree v Rossiiu,” Sovetskie arkhivy, no. 2 [1967], p. 24.
2. Lenin, PSS, 49:399.
3. Ibid., pp. 399-401.
4. Kollontai, lzbrannye stat’i, pp. 235-36, 238; Halvorsen, p. 251.
5. Kollontai, V tiur’me Kerenskogo (Moscow: Izd. vsesoiuznogo obshchestva, 1928), p. 6.
6. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 240-41.
7. Kollontai met Stalin for the first time on March 20 (“Molodomu poko- leniiu,” Rabotnitsa 23 [April-May 1946]: 17).
8. For studies of the attitudes of various groups in the early days of the revolution see Oskar Anweiler, “The Political Ideology of the Leaders of the Petrograd Soviet in the Spring of 1917,” Revolutionary Russia, Richard Pipes, ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 114-28; Marc Ferro, “The Aspirations of Russian Society,” ibid., pp. 143-63, especially p. 146.
9. For evidence about Kollontai’s position see Shliapnikov, Semnadtsatyi god, 3 vols. (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1923-27), 3:209-10; Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 249; Kollontai, “Nash pamiatnik bortsam za svobodu,” Pravda, 23 March 1917, p. 1; Kollontai, “Kuda vedet revoliutsionnoe oboronchestvo?” Pravda, 5 April 1917, p. 1.
10. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 244-45.
11. Ibid., p. 245.
12. The complete story is in ibid., pp. 244-47.
13. Itkina, pp. 136-37.
14. Kollontai, lz moei zhizni, p. 255.
15. N. N. Sukhanov, The Russian Revolution 1917, edited, abridged, and translated by Joel Carmichael (London: Oxford University Press, 1955), p. 288; Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 296; Kollontai, lz moei zhizni, p. 257; Itkina, p. 142; Kollontai, Autobiographie, pp. 42, 44.
16. Itkina, pp. 143-44.
17. I. G. Tsereteli, Vospominaniia o fevral'skoi revoliutsii, 2 vols. (Paris: Mouton, 1963), 1:33.
18. Kollontai, lz moei zhizni, p. 262.
19. Bobroff, “The Bolsheviks and Working Women,” p. 527; Carol Shelly, “The Bolshevik Party and Work Among Women, 1917-1925,” paper presented at Stanford Conference on Women in Russia, June 1975, p. 3; N. D. Karpets- kaia, “Vovlechenie trudiashchikhsia zhenshchin Petrograda v revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie (mart-iiul’ 1917 g.),” Vestnik Leningradskogo universiteta 21 (1966): 45-46; Rossiiskaia sotsial-demokraticheskaia rabochaia partiia, 7th Conference, Leningrad, 1917, Petrogradskaia obshchegorodskaia vserossiiskaia \onferentsiia RSDRP v aprele 1917 g. (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1925), p. 26; Liudmilla Stal’, “Rabotnitsa v Okt’iabre,” Proletarskaia revoliutsiia 10 (1922) :299.
20. Karpetskaia, “Vovlechenie trudiashchikhsia zhenshchin Petrograda,” pp. 45-46; Kollontai, lz moei zhizni, p. 267; Kollontai, Rabotnitsa za god revoliutsii (Moscow: Kommunist, 1918), p. 9.
21. Nina N. Selivanova, Russia’s Women (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1923), p. 198; Kollontai, lz moei zhizni, p. 268.
22. Pravda, 12 April 1917.
23. Kollontai, lz moei zhizni, p. 268.
24. Ibid., pp. 267-69; Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” pp. 296-97; Stal’, “Rabotnitsa v Okt’iabre,” p. 299; R. Kovnator, “The Press as a Means of Organizing the Proletarian Women,” in Communist Party of Great Britain, Work Among Women (London: Communist Party of Great Britain, 1923), p. 38.
25. Marc Ferro, The Russian Revolution of February 1917, J. L. Richards, trans. (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1972), p. 324; Edward A. Ross, The Russian Bolshevik Revolution (New York: Century, 1921), pp. 130-31; Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, Max Eastman, trans., 3 vols. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1932), 1:349; Akademiia nauk SSSR, Khronika sobytii in Velikaia oktiabr’skaia sotsialisticheskaia revoliutsiia, 5 vols. (Moscow: Izd. Akademii nauk SSSR, 1957), 1:618.
26. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 297; Sukhanov, Zapiski o revoliutsii, 7 vols. (Berlin: Grzhebin, 1922) 4:143-44; Sovet rabochikh i kras- noarmeiskikh deputatov, Protokoly zasedanii (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1925), p. 137; Kollontai, “Na nashe ‘linii ognia,’ ” Pravda, 22 May 1917, p. 3; A. Anskii, ed., Professional’noe dvizhenie v Petrograde v 1917 g. (Leningrad: Leningrad, oblastoi sovet profsoiuzov, 1928), p. 93.
27. Kollontai, “Rech’ na IX s”ezde sotsial-demokraticheskoi partii Finliandii,” Izbrannye stat’i, pp. 214-16.
28. RSFSR, S”ezd sovetov, 1st, Leningrad, 1917, Pervyi vserossiiskii s”ezd sovetov R. i S.D.: Stenograficheskii otchet, 2 vols. (Moscow and Leningrad: Gos. sotsialno-ekonomicheskoe izdatel’stvo, 1931), 2:171-73, 180, 185-89, 194. The first resolution called for a general commitment to self-determination, the second for autonomy for Finland.
29. Vserossiiskaia konferentsiia professional’nykh soiuzov, 3d, Leningrad, 1917, Tretii vserossiiskaia konferentsiia professional’nykh soiuzov: Rezoliutsii . . . (Petrograd, 1917), pp. 23-24; Bol’sheviki v period podgotovkii provedeniia velikoi oktiabr’skoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii (Leningrad, 1947), pp. 132-33.
30. Angelica Balabanoff, Die Zimmerwalder Bewegung 1914-1919 (Frankfurt: Verlag Neue Kritik, 1928; reprint edition 1969), pp. 74-75; Shliapnikov, “Fevral’skaia revoliutsiia i evropeiskie sotsialisty,” Krasnyi arkhiv, no. 2 (15) (1926), pp. 32-33; Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 273-74; Warren Lerner, Karl Radek, The Last Internationalist (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1970), pp. 61-62.
31. Kollontai, V tiur’me Kerenskogo, p. 4.
32. Lademacher, Zimmerwalder Bewegung, 2:538.
33. Kollontai, V tiur’me Kerenskpgo, p. 19.
34. This account of Kollontai’s arrest is drawn from ibid., pp. 7-22.
35. Quoted from the statement of the public prosecutor, 22 July, by A. I. Spiridovich, Istoriia bol’shevizma v Rossii ot vozniknoveniia do zakhvata vlasti 1883-1903-1917 (Paris: Société anonyme de presse, 1922), p. 356. See also Robert Paul Browder and Alexander F. Kerensky, eds., The Russian Provisional Government 1917, 3 vols. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1961), 3:1370-76.
36. Spiridovich, Istoriia bol'shevizma, p. 355.
37. See also Alexander Rabinowitch, Prelude to Revolution: The Petrograd Bolsheviks and the July 1917 Uprising (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1968), pp. 191-93.
38. Kollontai, V tiur’me Kerenskogo, p. 26.
39. “Plenniki russkikh imperialistov,” Pravda, 16 June 1917, pp. 2-3.
40. Kollontai, V tiur’me Kerenskogo, p. 45.
41. Ibid., p. 47; Trotskii, Sochinenii (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1927), 3:277-79; Vera Vladmirova, Revoliutsiia 1917 goda, 4 vols. (Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1924), 4:188-89.
42. Trotsky, Stalin: An Appraisal of the Man and His Influence, Charles Malamuth, ed. and trans. (New York: Harper and Bros., 1941), p. 221; Rossiiskaia sotsial-demokraticheskaia rabochaia partiia, Shestoi s”ezd RSDRP (bol'shevikov): Protokoly (Moscow: Politizdat, 1958), p. 251.
43. Proletarii, 19 August 1917.
44. V. V. Anikeev, Deiatel’nost TsK RSDRP(b) v 1917 godu (Khronika sobytii) (Moscow: Mysl, 1969), p. 383; Trotskii, Sochinenii, 3:176, 200, 201; G. Zinov’ev, God revoliutsii (Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1925), p. 656.
45. Pitirim Sorokin, Leaves From a Russian Diary (Boston: Beacon Press, 1950), p. 59.
46. Kollontai, “Oktiabr’skaia revoliutsiia i massy,” Molodaia gvardiia, no. 6-7 (October 1922), p. 213. For a statement of Kollontai’s interpretation of the October revolution in the fall of 1917 see “VarfSr Bolsjevikerna bör segra,” Revolt, 1 May 1918, pp. 5-6, reprinted in lzbrannye stat’i, pp. 232-36. The editor of lzbrannye stat’i, Dazhina, dates the article as having been written in December 1917.
47. Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 49; Kollontai, “Sistema izdevatel’stva prodolzhaetsia,” Rabochii put,' 15 September 1918, p. 4; Profsoiuzy v bor’be za pobedu Oktiabr’skoi sotsialisticheskoi revoliutsii (Moscow: Profizdat, 1957), p. 52; Vladimirova, Revoliutsiia 1917 g., p. 269; Kollontai, “Kogda konchitsia voina?” lzbrannye stat’i, p. 255; Akademiia nauk, Khronika sobytii, 4:175, 234; Akademiia nauk, Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v sentiabre 1917 g. (Moscow: Izd. Akademii nauk SSSR, 1961), p. 65.
48. Kollontai, “Tvorcheskoe v rabote K. N. Samoilovoi,” Kommunistka, no. 3-5 (May 1922), p. 9; Shelly, “The Bolshevik Party and Work Among Women,” pp. 5-6; A. V. Krasnikova, Na zare sovetskoi vlasti (Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1963), p. 18; Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 299. For a list of Kollontai’s articles on the conference at the time see the Bibliography.
49. Kollontai, “Ruka istorii, Vospominanii A. Kollontai,” Krasnoarmeets, no. 10-15 (November 1927), p. 68.
50. Ibid., p. 69.
51. Robert V. Daniels, Red October (New York: Scribners, 1967), pp. 95, 106-8, 216.
52. Kollontai, “Ruka istorii,” p. 69; Rabochii put’, 11 October 1917; Stanislav Pestkovskii, “Ob oktiabr’skikh dniakh v Pitere,” Ob Oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii: Vospominaniia zarubezhnikh uchastnikov i ochevidtsev (Moscow: Politizdat, 1967), p. 155.
53. John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World (New York: Vintage, 1960), pp. 177-78.
54. Kollontai, “Lenin v Smol’nom,” Utro novogo mira: Sbornik vospominanii i dokumentov ? II Vserossiiskom s"ezde sovetov (Moscow: Politizdat, 1962), p. 29.
6. PEOPLE’S COMMISSAR
1. Ada Nilsson, “Det stora uppdraget,” Vi, no. 35 (1961), p. 9.
2. Bessie Beatty, The Red Heart of Russia (New York: The Century Company, 1918), p. 380.
3. Jacques Sadoul, Notes sur la révolution bolchévique (Paris: Editions de la Sirène, 1920), pp. 95-96; Louise Bryant, Six Red Months in Russia (New York: Doran, 1918), p. 128.
4. K. Riabinskii, Revoliutsiia 1917 goda, 6 vols. in 4 ([Moscow]: Gosizdat, 1926), 4:82; Kollontai, “Lenin i rabotnitsy v 1917 godu,” Rabotnitsa, no. 1 (October 1947), p. 6; Stal,’ “Rabotnitsa v Okt’iabre,” p. 300; Akademiia nauk, Sovety v pervyi god proletarskoi diktatury, oktiabr 1917-noiabr’ 1918 g. (Moscow: Izd. Akademii nauk), p. 75. Another petition to the Military Revolutionary Committee is recorded in I. I. Mints, ed., Dokumenty Velikoi proletarskoi revoliutsii ([Moscow]: Ogiz, 1938), p. 193. The tone of the Sovnarkom response quoted above implies that there had been additional instances, the records of which have not been published.
5. Kollontai, “Pochemu bol’sheviki dolzhen pobedit’,’’ p. 234.
6. Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 49. Kollontai struck the words “splendid illusions” from the galley proofs in 1926, but Iring Fetscher restored them in his 1970 edition of the essay.
7. Kollontai, Vospominaniia ob ll’iche (Moscow: Politizdat, 1959), p. 3.
8. Ibid., pp. 3-4.
9. Kollontai, “Pervoe posobie iz Sosbesa,” Krasnaia niva, no. 45 (1927), p. 39.
10. Kollontai, “Pervye dni Narkomsobesa,” Nemerknushchie gody (Leningrad: Politizdat, 1957), pp. 267-68.
11. Ibid., pp. 268-69.
12. Ibid., p. 269.
13. Ibid., p. 270.
14. Browder and Kerensky, Russian Provisional Government, 2:800; Itkina, p. 167.
15. Kollontai, “Pervye dni Narkomsobesa,” p. 271.
16. Ibid., pp. 271-72; Kollontai, “Oktiabr’skaia revoliutsiia i massy,” pp. 216-17.
17. Kollontai, ‘Oktiabr’skaia revoliutsiia i massy,” p. 217. Minutes of a meeting of Kollontai’s employee soviet are recorded in Akademiia nauk, Khronika sobytii, 5:174-75.
18. Akademiia nauk, Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet: Doku- menty i materialy, 3 vols. (Moscow: Nauka, 1966), 2:494. John Reed (Ten Days, p. 347) and Albert Rhys Williams (Through the Russian Revolution [New York: Boni and Liveright, 1921], p. 161) said that Sofia Panina, a Kadet and former official of the ministry, was tried for taking the money. A later edition of Williams’s book is corrected to note that Panina was actually charged with absconding with the funds of the Ministry of Education (Journey into Revolution, Petrograd 1917-1918, Lucita Williams, ed. [Chicago: Quadrangle, 1969], p. 163). See also William G. Rosenberg, Liberals in the Russian Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), p. 279. Kollontai probably thought Panina had taken some of the money from her commissariat and told Williams and Reed so.
19. Izvestiia, 2 December, 21 December 1917; Akademiia nauk, Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet, 3:584.
20. From the text of the resolution reprinted in Kommunisticheskaia partiia Sovetskogo Soiuza, Kommunisticheskaia partiia i organizatsiia rabotnits (Moscow and Petrograd: Kommunist, 1919), p. 113.
21. Ibid., pp. 112-18; Akademiia nauk, Triumfal’noe shestvie sovetskoi vlasti, 4 vols. (Moscow: Izd. Akademii nauk, 1963), 4:176-77.
22. Samoilova, “Konferentsiia rabotnits i organizatsionnaia rabota,” Pravda, 9 December 1917, p. 3. The contents of the foregoing paragraphs are also based on Riabinskii, Revoliutsiia 1917 goda, 6:192, and Shelly, “The Bolshevik Party and Work Among Women,” pp. 6-7.
23. Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 50.
24. Izvestiia, 12 November, 22 November 1917; Kollontai, “Avtobiografiche- skii ocherk,” p. 330.
25. Bryant, Six Red Months, p. 131.
26. Kollontai, Autobiographie, pp. 50-51; Izvestiia, 30 November, 2 December 1917.
27. Beatty, Red Heart, pp. 380-81.
28. Kollontai, Autobiographie, pp. 52-53; Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” pp. 299-300; Akademiia nauk, Petrogradskii voenno-revoliutsionnyi komitet, 4:161; Henri Niessel, Le triomphe des bolchéviks et la paix de Brest- Litovsk: Souvenirs, 1917-1918 (Paris: Pron, 1940), pp. 193-94; Bryant, Six Red Months, pp. 133-34; Izvestiia, 10 December, 21 December 1917, 21 January, 28 January 1918.
29. Bryant, Six Red Months, p. 134.
30. Izvestiia, 4 January 1918; Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 53; Kollontai, “Pervye shagi,” Izbrannye stat’i, pp. 337-38; Pravda, 11 January 1918.
31. Kollontai, “Pervye shagi,” pp. 338-39.
32. Izvestiia, 6 February, 8 February 1918.
33. Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 53; Kollontai, “Pervye shagi,” p. 338.
34. Kollontai, “Iz vospominanii,” p. 87; Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 54.
35. E. Fortunato, “Nash drug Aleksandra Kollontai,” Neva, no. 3 (1959), p. 184; Kollontai, “Iz vospominanii,” p. 87; Kollontai, Den första etappen, p. 133.
36. Kollontai, “Iz vospominanii,” p. 88; Fortunato, “Nash drug,” p. 184; Kollontai, Den första etappen, p. 131.
37. Kollontai, “Iz vospominanii,” pp. 88-89.
38. Kollontai, Den första etappen, pp. 136-37.
39. Shliapnikov, “K oktiabriu,” Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, no. 10 (1922), p. 26.
40. Bryant, Six Red Months, p. 132.
41. Vestnik otdela mestnogo upravlenia, 18 January 1918, p. 3; Izvestiia, 23 December 1917, 4 January, 13 February 1918.
42. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 333-34; John Shelton Curtiss, The Russian Church and the Soviet State, 1917-1950 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1953), p. 48. The order for seizure is reprinted in James Bunyan and ?. H. Fisher, eds., The Bolshevik Revolution, 1917-1918 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1934), p. 587. Kollontai presented herself in her memoirs as acting reluctantly, but that seems a bit disingenuous, given her earlier decrees reducing the Church’s role in education and her admission to Beatty that she favored the confiscation of church property. (Red Heart, p. 383). Ariadne Tyrkova-Wil- liams saw the whole episode as part of a Bolshevik campaign against the Church in which Kollontai participated willingly, and she may well be right. (From Liberty to Brest-Litovsk [London: Macmillan, 1919], pp. 410-11.)
43. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 334-35; Tyrkova-Williams, From Liberty to Brest-Litovsk, pp. 408-9.
44. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 235; Itkina, p. 173. Tyrkova-Williams also thought the two events were connected; she did not know Kollontai acted without authorization in the monastery incident. (From Liberty to Brest-Litovsk, pp. 410-11.)
45. Tyrkova-Williams, From Liberty to Brest-Litovsk, p. 409; Curtiss, Russian Church and Soviet State, pp. 48-49.
46. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 335.
47. Kollontai, “Lenin v Smol’nom,” pp. 31-32.
48. Williams, Journey Into Revolution, p. 185; Zeth Höglund, “Den lyckliga trons lotusblossom,” Morgon-Tidningen, 18 April 1954; Carl Lindhagen, I revolutions land (Stockholm: Ahlen and Åkerlund, 1918), pp. 62-63; N. F. Izmailov and A. G. Pukhov, Tsentrobalt (Moscow: Politizdat, 1963), pp. 200201; Kollontai, “Zvezdy,” Vospominaniia ? V. I. Lenine, 3 vols. (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1969), 3:186-87.
49. P. E. Dybenko, “Dybenko, Pavel Efimovich,” Deiateli SSSR i Oktiabr'- s\oi revoliutsii, part 1, pp. 128-29.
50. Ibid., pp. 129-31.
51. Reed, Ten Days, p. 88.
52. Georges Haupt and Jean-Jacques Marie, Makers of the Russian Revolution, C. I. P. Ferdinand and D. M. Bellos, trans. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974), p. 122.
53. Trotsky, Stalin, pp. 243-44.
54. Kollontai, V tiur’me Kerenskogo, p. 29; Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 265.
55. Itkina, p. 190.
56. Ibid., p. 191.
57. Isabel de Palencia, Alexandra Kollontai: Ambassadress from Russia (New York: Longmans Green, 1947), pp. 163-64.
58. Höglund, “Den lyckliga trons”; Albert Rhys Williams, Lenin, the Man and His Work (New York: Scott and Seltzer, 1919), pp. 58-59; Niessel, Le triomphe des Bolchéviks, p. 199.
59. Trotsky, Stalin, pp. 243-44.
60. Kollontai, Novaia moral’ i rabochii klass, p. 55.
61. KPSS, Sed'moi ekstrennyi s"ezd RKP(b): Stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow: Politizdat, 1962), p. 250; Richard Kent Debo, “Litvinov and Kamenev— Ambassadors Extraordinary: The Problem of Soviet Representation Abroad,” Slavic Review 34 (September 1975):470.
62. Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 55; Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 300; Itkina, pp. 177-78.
63. Palencia, Kollontai, p. 173.
64. Cohen, Bukharin, pp. 64-69.
65. Sadoul, Notes, pp. 96-97.
66. Ibid., pp. 180-81, 215.
67. Max Hoffman, Die Aufzeichningen des Generalmajors Max Hoffman, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1929); 1:187, as quoted in Deutscher, The Prophet Armed, p. 383.
68. Lenin, PSS, 35:369.
69. Morgan Philips Price, My Reminiscences of the Russian Revolution (London: G. Allen and Unwin, 1921), p. 247.
70. Lenin, PSS, 35:345.
71. Vsevolod Eichenbaum, Nineteen-Seventeen: The Russian Revolution Betrayed, Holley Cantine, trans. (New York: Libertarian Book Club, 1954), p. 98. See also Cohen, Bukharin, p. 65.
72. KPSS, Sed’moi s”ezd, p. 88.
73. Ibid., p. 89.
74. Ibid., pp. 241-71.
75. Ibid., pp. 294-97.
76. Lenin, PSS, 36:18.
77. Ibid., p. 203. Emphasis Lenin’s. The speeches from which this summary are drawn are in ibid., pp. 3-36, 92-111,127-64, 167-208.
78. Kommunist, 20 April, 27 April, June 1918. She was not listed in the first Moscow edition of 29 April 1918.
79. V. A. Nelaev, Pavel Dybenko (Moscow: Politizdat, 1965), pp. 54-55.
80. Ibid., p. 57.
81. Ibid., pp. 56-57; Pravda, 16 May 1918.
82. “Korniloff’s Capture Near,” New York Times, 28 March 1918, sec. 1, p. 6; Sadoul, Notes, p. 271; U.S. Department of State, Russia, 2:124.
83. Sadoul, Notes, p. 270; New York Times, 24 March 1918. One of his acquaintances, Isaac Steinberg, a Left SR and Commissar of Justice, claimed that Dybenko had gone further than threats, that he had actually made plans for a rising when in the South in January. (Haupt and Marie, Makers of the Russian Revolution, pp. 122-23.) In fact, Dybenko spent January in the Petro- grad area. Nor would it have made sense to plan to wreck the treaty in January, before it had been negotiated.
84. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 300.
85. “Germans Provoke Revolt in Ukraine,” New York Times, 29 March 1918, sec. 3, p. 1.
86. Sadoul, Notes, p. 316.
87. “Dybenko Missing, Mme. Kollontai, Too,” New York Times, 19 April 1918, sec. 1, p. 1; Sadoul, Notes, p. 315; “Reports Korniloff and Semenov Dead,” New York Times, 22 April 1918, sec. 1, p. 1 and 6.
88. Bryant, Mirrors of Moscow (New York: Thomas Seltzer, 1923), p. 115.
89. Walter Duranty, I Write as I Please (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1935), p. 240; Williams, Journey, p. 200. Williams heard the story from Iakov Peters, an assistant to Feliks Dzerzhinskii, head of the revolutionary police, the Cheka.
90. William Henry Chamberlin, The Russian Revolution 1917-1921, 2 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1960), 1:332; Dybenko, “Dybenko,” Deiateli SSSR i Oktiabr'skoi revoliutsii, p. 132.
91. Nelaev, Dybenko, p. 57; Pravda, 12 May, 16 May, 19 May 1918.
92. Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 56. She also said she withdrew from politics in Den första etappen, p. 138.
93. Kollontai, Den första etappen, pp. 123-24.
7. WORK AMONG WOMEN
1. Stasova, Vospominaniia, p. 173.
2. Angelica Balabanoff, My Life as a Rebel (New York: Harper, 1938), pp. 98-99. Kollontai hints in her Autobiographie that she was ostracized (p. 56, quoted above, p. 147).
3. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 351-54; Kollontai, “Kak my sozvali Pervyi Vserossiiskii s”ezd rabotnits i krestianok,” Kommunistka, no. 11 (November 1923), p. 4; Kollontai, “Kak i dlia chego sozvan byl Pervyi Vserossiiskii s”ezd rabotnits,” Kommunisticheskaia partiia i organizatsiia rabotnits, p. 8. When the editors of Izbrannye stat’i reprinted this article, they omitted the sentences, italicized in the original, that charged the party with failure to work among women (p. 258). No ellipsis indicates the deletion, which changes the meaning of two paragraphs and much of the thrust of Kollontai’s article.
4. Kollontai, Rabotnitsa za god revoliutsii, pp. 18-19.
5. Carol Eubanks Hayden, “The Zhenotdel and the Bolshevik Party,” Russian History, 3, part 2 (1976) :150.
6. Women constituted 7.5 percent of party members in 1917, a figure that remained constant throughout the civil war years. See Gayle Durham Hannah, “Political Equality for Russian Women: An Unfulfilled Promise of the Revolution,” paper presented at the Midwest Slavic Conference, Cleveland, Ohio, May 1975, p. 27.
7. This Pravda article is reprinted in Izbrannye stat’i, pp. 237-42. See the same themes in “Kak my sozvali,” p. 4, and Rabotnitsa za god revoliutsii, pp. 20-29.
8. Kollontai, Rabotnitsa za god revoliutsii, p. 21; Kommunisticheskaia partiia i organizatsiia rabotnits, p. 98; Pravda, 26 April 1918.
9. Zinaida Chalaia, “V pervykh riadakh (V. A. Moirova),” Zhenshchiny russkoi revoliutsii (Moscow: Politizdat, 1968), p. 267.
10. N. K. Krupskaia, Sobranie sochinenii (Moscow and Leningrad: Politizdat, n.d.), p. 112; N. Sazonova, “Konferentsii rabotnits i krestianok,” Moscow, Institut istorii partii, V edinom stroiu (Moscow: Moskovskii rabochii, 1960), p. 178.
11. Kollontai, “Kak my sozvali,” p. 5.
12. It is always difficult to determine from Soviet historiography which individual is responsible for what policy, because actions tend to be presented as the product of group effort. Thus, although both Krupskaia and Kollontai acknowledged that the delegate conferences were Inessa’s idea, neither clearly said when she proposed them. See Kollontai, “Zhenshchiny-bortsy v dni veli-kogo oktiabria,” Izbrannye stat’i, p. 373; N. K. Krupskaia, ed., Pamiati Inessy Armand (Moscow, 1926), p. 53. Kollontai did imply strongly in one article written five years later that Inessa suggested it during discussions prior to the November conference (“Kak my sozvali,” p. 6).
13. Kollontai, “Kak my sozvali,” p. 6.
14. Ibid.; Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 355.
15. Kollontai, “Kak my sozvali,” p. 7; Itkina, p. 197.
16. Pervyi vserossiiskii s”ezd rabotnits 16-21 noiabria 1918 g. i ego rezoliutsii (Kharkov: Vseukrainskoe izdatel’stvo, 1920), pp. 10-11; Pravda, 17 November, 19 November, 21 November 1918.
17. Kommunisticheskaia partiia i organizatsiia rabotnits, p. 41. I refer to Armand as “Inessa” because the Bolsheviks called her that, using the first name alone or “Comrade Inessa.”
18. Pervyi s”ezd, pp. 12-14.
19. N. Sukhareva-Klochkova, “Nash pervyi s”ezd,” V edinom stroiu, p. 108.
20. Kommunisticheskaia partiia i organizatsiia rabotnits, pp. 108-109; Sukhareva-Klochkova, “Nash pervyi s”ezd,” p. 109.
21. Itkina, p. 197. For a brief and eloquent evaluation of this congress see Richard Stites, “Zhenotdel: Bolshevism and Russian Women, 1917-1930,” Russian History, 3, part 2 (1976): 176-78.
22. Lenin, PSS, 50:197.
23. The decree begins with praise for the conference. Kollontai gave Sverdlov credit for helping them obtain the final resolution in an obituary she wrote for him. (Kollontai, “Kogo poteriali rabotnitsy,” Izbrannye stat’i, p. 266).
24. Kommunisticheskaia partita i organizatsiia rabotnits, pp. 100-101.
25. Ibid., pp. 101-4.
26. See, for example, Kommunar, November 1918-April 1919; Krasnaia gazeta, December 1918; Petrogradskaia pravda, March-May 1919; Pravda, December 1918.
27. Perepiska sekretariata TsK RKP(b) s mestnymi partiinymi organizat- siiami (avgust-oktiabr‘ 1918 g.), 6 vols. (Moscow: Politizdat, 1969), 6:210; Sazonova, “Konferentsii rabotnits i krestianok,” p. 178.
28. Shelly, “The Bolshevik Party and Work Among Women,” p. 11; E. I. Pismannikh, “Stupeni rosta,” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by: Vospominaniia zhenshchin-uchastnitsy Oktiabr' skoi revoliutsii, grazhdanskoi voiny i sotsial- isticheskogo stroitel’stva (Moscow: Politizdat, 1975), p. 369.
29. A. Unskova, “Za tri goda,” Tri goda diktatury, p. 19; Inessa Armand [pseud. Elena Blonina], “Vseros. soveshchanie organizatorov otdelov po rabote sredi zhenshchin,” Pravda, 24 October 1919, p. 4.
30. Arthur Ransome, Russia in 1919 (New York: Heubsch, 1919), pp. 30, 41, 42; Sorokin, Leaves from a Russian Diary, p. 231.
31. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 356-57.
32. Ibid., p. 357.
33. Ibid.
34. Ibid., p. 358.
35. Ibid.
36. Communist International, 1st Congress, Moscow, 1919, Pervyi kongress Kominterna, mart 1919 g. (Moscow: Partizdat, 1933), pp. 166, 214.
37. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” pp. 300-301; Itkina, p. 208.
38. KPSS, Vos’moi s’ezd RKP(b): Protokoly (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1959), p. 225.
39. Ibid., p. 298.
40. Ibid.
41. The entire speech is in ibid., pp. 296-300. For the resolution see p. 435.
42. Itkina, p. 181; Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 301.
43. Itkina, pp. 181-82.
44. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 301; Itkina, p. 185.
45. Itkina, p. 187.
46. Ibid., p. 194; Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 301.
47. Polina Vinogradskaia, Pamiatnye vstrechi, 2d ed. (Moscow: Sovetskaia Rossiia, 1972), pp. 196-97.
48. Z. N. Gagarina, “Zhenshchiny v bor’be za sotsializm i mir,” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by, p. 425. For a list of the pamphlets see Bibliography.
49. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 301. For several get-well messages from groups of women workers see Pravda, 6 December, 14 December, 28 December 1919. That Kollontai was really ill at this time and not in political disgrace again is testified to by contemporary sources, among them Krupskaia, “Inessa Armand,” Kommunistka, no. 5 (October 1920), p. 19; Emma Goldman, Living My Life, 2 vols. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1941), 2:756; Margaret Elton Harrison, Marooned in Moscow (New York: Doran, 1921), p. 78.
50. KPSS, Vos’maia kpnferentsiia: Protokoly (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1961), pp. 223-25.
51. Ibid., p. 170.
52. KPSS, Tsentral’nyi komitet, Otdel po rabote sredi zhenshchin, Sbornik instruktsii Otdela TsK RKP po rabote sredi zhenshchin (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1920), pp. 3-7. Hereafter abbreviated as Sbornik zhenotdela.
53. Ibid., pp. 30-76.
54. For references to this aspect of the work see ibid., pp. 22-24, 74.
55. Ibid., p. 13, 65, 28.
56. Ibid., pp. 11-18, 79-81, 15.
57. Moirova, “Women’s Delegate Meetings and Their Role in the Work of the Party Among Working and Peasant Women,” Communist Party of Great Britain, Work Among Women, p. 20.
58. V. P. Tachalova and N. I. Troitskaia, “Varia, ona zhe Elena Ivanovna,” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by, p. 280.
59. Inessa Armand [pseud. Elena Blonina], Ocherednye zadachi po rabote sredi zhenshchin (Doklad na Vserossiiskom soveshchanii organizatorov otdelov po rabote sredi zhenshchin 28 marta 1920 v Moskve) (Moscow, 1920), pp. 6-13. For the resolutions of the March conference see KPSS, Sbornik zhenotdela, pp. 18-22, 27-30, 83-88.
60. Kollontai gave Samoilova credit for getting the resolution passed; see “Tvorcheskoe v rabote K. N. Samoilovoi,” p. 10. For the resolution see KPSS, Kommunisticheskaia partiia Sovetskogo Soiuza v rezoliutsiiakh i resheniiakh s”ezdov, konferentsii i plenumov TsK, 8th ed., vol. 2, 1917-24 (Moscow: Politizdat, 1970): 178.
61. “Otchet o deiatel’nosti otdela TsK RKP po rabote sredi zhenshchin,” Izvestiia TsK RKP, 18 September 1920, pp. 20-22; KPSS, Sbornik zhenotdela, pp. 32-35; V. I. Bil’shai, “Shtab zhenskogo dvizheniia,” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by, p. 251; Levikova, “Po zovu gudka,” ibid., p. 302; P. Vinogradskaia, “Pamiati Inessy Armand,” Krupskaia, Pamiati, p. 65; N. K. Krupskaia, O rabote sredi zhenshchin (Moscow, 1926), p. 19.
62. K. Samoilova, Organizatsionnye zadachi otdelov rabotnits (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1920), p. 6; “Rabotnitsa na sovetskoi rabote,” KPSS, Tri goda dikta- tury, p. 31; Poriadochnova, “Rabote pri otdele okhrany truda,” ibid., pp. 36-37; Gagarina, “Zhenshchiny v bor’be,” p. 425; Pismannikh, “Stupeni rosta,” p. 370. A leader of the Kharkov provincial party organization called the women there “the barefoot Zhenotdelki,” which indeed they often were. (G. D. Zlobinskaia, “Bosoi zhenotdel,” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by, p. 307.)
63. N. S. Kokoreva, “Okhrana materinstva,” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by, pp. 220-21; M. Petrova, “Moia rabota v mediko-sanitarnom otdele,” KPSS, Tri goda diktatury, p. 35.
64. Kollontai, “Eshche odno oruzhie v bor’be protiv dezorganizatsii,” Izvestiia, 17 March 1920, quoted in full in Jerome Landfield, “Kollontai and the New Morality,” The Weekly Review, July 1920, pp. 85-86.
65. Alexander Berkman, The Bolshevik Myth (Diary 1920-1922) (London: Hutchinson, [c. 1925]), p. 137.
66. Itkina, p. 193. It is difficult to date these brief excerpts from letters. Itkina does not give their dates but includes them after her description of Kollontai’s and Dybenko’s trip in May 1920. She strongly implies that strain had developed in the relationship by then.
67. This speculation is based on the fragments in Itkina.
68. Krupskaia, Pamiati Inessy Armand, pp. 32-33; Kollontai, “Pervaia mezhdunarodnaia konferentsiia kommunistok,” Kommunistka, no. 1-2 (June- July 1920), pp. 3-4; Kollontai, “Mezhdunarodnaia solidarnost’ i den’ rabotnits,” International Conference of Women Communists, 1st Congress, Moscow, 1920, Otchet o pervoi mezhdunarodnoi konferentsii kommunistok (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1921), pp. 5-12.
69. For the congress resolutions see Communist International, 2d Congress, Vtoroi kongress Kominterna iiul’-avgust 1920 g. (Moscow: Partizdat, 1934), pp. 673-86, 692-95. Zetkin did manage to put her stamp on the theses in a way that must have irritated Kollontai. She wrote that when women became economically independent of men, they would be able to harmonize housework, motherhood, and a career. Zetkin was never willing to embrace Kollontai’s wholehearted assault on the traditional family. See Honeycutt, “Clara Zetkin,” pp. 10-11.
70. Izvestiia, 14 July 1920; Kommunistka, no. 1-2, p. 40; R. Kovnator, “Pervaia posle ob’edineniia,” V edinom stroiu, p. 189.
71. This speculation comes from Kollontai via Marcel Body, a French Communist and close friend of hers in the twenties. When Kollontai died, Pravda did not publish an obituary, which so angered Body that he wrote one himself, revealing in print for the first time the gossip about Lenin and Inessa. (Marcel Body, “Alexandra Kollontai,” Preuves, no. 14 [April 1952], p. 17.) Naturally his testimony is not wholly reliable, both because of his own emotion and Kollontai’s tendency to gossip. Armed with Body’s revelations, however, Bertram Wolfe had an interview on the subject with Angelica Balabanoff, who did agree that Lenin was grief-stricken at Inessa’s funeral. (Wolfe, “Lenin and Inessa Armand,” p. 112.)
72. “Otchet o rabote otdela TsK RKP po rabote sredi zhenshchin s marta 1920 g. do fevralia 1921 g.,” Izvestiia TsK, March 1921, pp. 26-31; P. M. Schimchenko-Ksendzova, “K novoi zhizni,” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by, p. 288.
73. “Otchet o deiatel’nosti otdela TsK RKP po rabote sredi zhenshchin,” Izvestiia TsK, 18 September 1920, p. 21; “Otchet,” Izvestiia TsK, 5 March 1921, p. 26.
74. Sbornik instruktsii, p. 76.
75. Ibid., pp. 76-77.
76. “Otchet,” Izvestiia TsK, 18 September 1920, p. 21; Hayden, “The Zhenotdel and the Bolshevik Party,” p. 159. Kollontai claimed that the resolution reflected the Zhenotdel position on the question. (“Otchet,” Izvestiia TsK, 5 March 1921, p. 28.)
77. Klara Zetkin, Lenin on the Woman Question (New York: International Publishers, 1934), pp. 16, 19.
78. Ibid., p. 19.
79. Ibid., pp. 62, 67.
80. For samples of two Bolshevik leaders’ statements, see N. I. Bukharin, Rabotnitsa, k tebe nashe slovo! (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1919); Grigorii Zinov’ev, Rabotnitsa, krest’ianka, i Sovetskaia vlast’ . . . (Petrograd: Petrogradskii sovet rabochikh i krasnoarmeiskikh deputatov, 1919).
81. Samoilova, Organizatsionnye zadachi, p. 4.
82. Ibid., p. 12.
83. Ibid., pp. 13-19.
84. Ibid., pp. 5-10.
85. Ibid., p. 8; E. N. Gribova, “Klara Tsetkin v Ivanove,” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by, p. 212; Shimchenko-Ksendzova, “Novoi zhizni,” p. 288; V. M. Tarantaeva, “Podnialis’ ugnetennye iz ugnetennykh,” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by, pp. 352-53; Gagarina, “Zhenshchiny v bor’be,” p. 425.
86. Samoilova, Organizatsionnye zadachi, p. 11.
87. Kollontai, “Zadachi otdelov po rabote sredi zhenshchin,” Kommunistka, no. 6 (November 1920), p. 3.
88. Ibid., pp. 3-4.
89. A. Itkina, “O rabote sredi zhenshchin,” Izvestiia TsK, 12 October 1920, p. 11; Izvestiia, 28 November 1920.
90. Itkina, p. 202.
91. Kokoreva, “Okhrana materinstva,” p. 221.
92. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 362.
93. Ibid.
94. Ibid., pp. 362-63.
95. Bryant, Mirrors of Moscow, pp. 125-26.
96. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 302.
97. Kollontai, “Trudovaia respublika i prostitutsiia,” Kommunistka, no. 6 (November 1920), p. 16.
98. Ibid., p. 17.
99. KPSS, Tsentral’nyi komitet, Otdel po rabote sredi zhenshchin, Otchet otdela TsK RKP po rabote sredi zhenshchin za god raboty (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1921), p. 8.
100. RSFSR, Vserossiiskii s”ezd sovetov, 4-6, 9: Stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1918-1935), p. 266.
101. Ibid., p. 205.
102. Ibid.
103. Ibid., p. 206.
104. Ibid.
105. Kollontai, “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 302; Kollontai, “Na puti k kommunizmu,” p. 15.
106. See Gregory Massell, The Surrogate Proletariat (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974).
107. Kollontai, “Posledniaia rabynia,” Kommunistka, no. 7 (December 1920), pp. 24-26; “Otchet,” lzvestiia TsK, 5 March 1921, pp. 27-28.
108. Itkina, p. 202.
8. THE WORKERS’ OPPOSITION
1. Emma Goldman, My Further Disillusionment in Russia (New York: Doubleday, Page, 1924), pp. 27-28. See also Berkman, The Bolshevik Myth, p. 278; Richard O’Connor and Dale L. Walker, The Lost Revolutionary: A Biography of John Reed (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1967), p. 302.
2. Goldman, Further Disillusionment, p. 28; Goldman, Living My Life, 2: 757.
3. Robert Daniels, Conscience of the Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), p. 116.
4. See above, p. 31.
5. Paul Avrich, “Russian Factory Committees in 1917,” Jahrbücher fur Geschichte Osteuropas 11 (1963): 161-82; Isaac Deutscher, Soviet Trade Unions (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1956), pp. 13-28.
6. KPSS, Vos’moi s”ezd, p. 403.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid., pp. 402-4; Deutscher, Trade Unions, pp. 31-33; Leonard Schapiro, The Origin of the Communist Autocracy: Political Opposition in the Soviet State. First Phase, 1917-1922 (London: The London School of Economics and Political Science, 1955), pp. 232-33.
9. Schapiro, Origin, pp. 321-32; Daniels, Conscience, pp. 125-26.
10. KPSS, Deviataia konferentsiia RKP(b): Protokoly (Moscow: Politizdat, 1972), p. 188.
11. Ibid.
12. Lenin, PSS, 42:202-26; KPSS, Desiatyi s"ezd RKP(b): Stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow: Politizdat, 1963), pp. 663-74.
13. For the text of the Trotsky-Bukharin platform see ibid., pp. 674-85. For the platform of the Democratic Centralists see ibid., pp. 656-62.
14. For the text of the speech introducing Shliapnikov’s theses in December see Vserossiiskii tsentral’nyi sovet professional’nykh soiuzov, O roli profes- sional’nyhh soiuzov v proizvodstve (Moscow: [Pervaia Obraztsovaia tip. MSNKh], 1921), pp. 54-59. For his fall theses, “The Organization of the National Economy and the Tasks of the Trade Unions,” see KPSS, Desiatyi s’’ezd, pp. 819-23. The December article is reproduced in G. Zinov’ev, Partita i soiuzy (Petersburg: Gosizdat, 1921), pp. 287-304. The text of “The Tasks of the Trade Unions,” the Workers’ Opposition platform, is in KPSS, Desiatyi s"ezd, pp. 685-91. Initially it was published in Pravda, 26 January 1921, pp. 2-3.
15. Anastas Mikoian said that Lenin took the Workers’ Opposition more seriously than the Trotsky supporters because of their mass following. (Mysli i vospominaniia o Lenine [Moscow: Politizdat, 1970], p. 163.) Obviously such generalizations must be approached with care, for the writer had an interest in diminishing the influence of the Trotskyites.
16. Lenin, PSS, 42:241.
17. KPSS, Vos’moi s’’ezd, p. 403.
18. Lenin, PSS, 42:241, 249, 294.
19. Soviet historians have continued to accuse the Workers’ Opposition of seeking to weaken the party, an unfair charge because it is an intention the faction does not seem to have had. All Soviet commentators write that the group’s ideas were an important challenge, although they do not admit the justness of any of the criticism or the power of the reform proposals. For a survey of Soviet treatment of the Workers’ Opposition over the years see: la. Bronin, “K kharakteristike platformy rabochii oppozitsii,” Prole tarskaia revo- liutsiia, no. 11/94 (November 1929), pp. 3-25; Bol’shaia sovetskaia entsihlo- pediia, 1st ed., s.v. “VKP(b)” by A. Bubnov; S. L. Dmitrienko, “X s”ezd RKP(b) o edinstve partii,” Vestnik Moskovs\ogo universiteta, Istoriia, no. 3 (1971), pp. 27-44; M. G. Gaisinskii, Bor’ba s uklonami ot general’noi linii partii: lstoricheskii ocherk vnutripartiinoi bor’by posleoktiabr'skogo perioda (Moscow and Leningrad, 1931), pp. 56-76; E. Iaroslavskii, Protiv oppozitsii (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1928), pp. 3-26; S. N. Kanev, “Bor’ba V. I. Lenina protiv anarcho-sindikalistskogo uklona v RKP(b),” Voprosy istorii KPSS, no. 3 (1971), pp. 93-102; V. V. Kuzin, Bor’ba kommunisticheskoi partii s anarkho-sindikfilisticheskjm uklonom s 1920-1922 gg. (Moscow: Znanie, 1958); N. N. Popov, Ocherk istorii RKP(b), 2 vols. (Petrograd: Gosizdat, 1934), 2:79-82; K. Shelavin, Rabochaia oppozitsiia (Moscow: Molodaia gvardiia, 1930); M. M. Vasser, “Razgrom anarkho-sindikalistskogo uklonom v partii,” Voprosy istorii KPSS, no. 3 (1962), pp. 62-78.
20. For example, the vote in Moscow went 76 for Lenin, 27 for Trotsky, 4 for the Workers’ Opposition, 25 for the Ignatovtsy, who in February allied with the Workers’ Opposition. (Mikoian, Mysli, p. 115.) The Communist fraction of the miners’ union: 137 for Lenin, 62 for the Workers’ Opposition. (Lenin, PSS, 42:304.) Petrograd party organization: 95 percent for Lenin. (L. I. Petrova, Sovetskie profsoiuzy v vosstanovitel’nyi period 1921-1925 gg. [Moscow: Profizdat, 1962], p. 15.)
21. Petrova, Sovetskie profsoiuzy, p. 14. For a detailed discussion of the Leninists’ campaign in Nizhni Novgorod see Mikoian, Mysli, pp. 124-27.
22. Ibid., p. 124; Victor Serge, Memoirs of a Revolutionary, 1901-41, Peter Sedgwick, ed. and trans. (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), p. 123; Gaisinskii, Bor’ba s uklonami, pp. 74-75; Goldman, Further Disillusionment, p. 52; Daniels, Conscience, pp. 139-42.
23. Kollontai, “Pora proanalizirovat’,” Pravda, 28 January 1921, p. 1.
24. For a description of her talk at the Red Army War College in Moscow see Alexander Barmine, One Who Survived (New York: G. P. Putnam’s, 1945), pp. 91-92.
25. Kollontai, Rabochaia oppozitsiia (Moscow: 81a Gos. tip., 1921), p. 3.
26. Schapiro, Origin, pp. 224-25.
27. Kollontai, Rabochaia oppozitsiia, p. 10.
28. Ibid., p. 13.
29. Ibid., p. 21. Emphasis Kollontai’s.
30. Ibid., p. 27. Emphasis Kollontai’s.
31. Ibid., p. 32. Emphasis Kollontai’s.
32. Ibid., p. 43.
33. Ibid., pp. 47, 48.
34. KPSS, Desiatyi s”ezd, pp. 651-56.
35. Schapiro, Origins, p. 314.
36. Angelica Balabanoff, Impressions of Lenin, Isotta Cesari, trans. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, [1964]), pp. 97-98.
37. KPSS, Desiatyi s”ezd, p. 76.
38. Ibid., p. 101.
39. Ibid., pp. 102-3.
40. Lenin, PSS, 43:34-50; Balabanoff, Life, p. 252.
41. For Lenin’s politicking for the Central Committee see Mikoian, Mysli, pp. 136-44.
42. Ibid., p. 300.
43. Balabanoff, Life, p. 252.
44. KPSS, Desiatyi s”ezd, pp. 300-301.
45. Lenin, PSS, 36:203.
46. Rosa Luxemburg, Rosa Luxemburg Speaks, ed. with an Introduction by Mary-Alice Waters (New York: Pathfinder, 1970), pp. 393-94.
47. Bronin, “K kharakteristike platformy rabochei oppozitsii,” p. 15.
48. Mikoian, Mysli, p. 161; KPSS, Desiatyi s”ezd, pp. 359-67, 373-75, 383-89.
49. Mikoian, Mysli, p. 161.
50. Ibid., p. 156.
51. KPSS, Desiatyi s”ezd, pp. 571-76.
52. Ibid., pp. 526-30.
53. Ibid., pp. 530-32.
54. Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed, Max Eastman, trans. (Garden City, N.J.: Doubleday, Doran, 1937), p. 96.
55. Ibid., pp. 104-5.
56. KPSS, Desiatyi s”ezd, p. 325.
9. THE END OF OPPOSITION
1. For information on the Workers’ Opposition after the Tenth Congress see KPSS, 11th Congress, Materialy po voprosu o gruppe Rabochei oppozitsii na XI s”ezde RKP (Moscow: Izd-vo. TsK RKP[b], 1922); Mikoian, Mysli, pp. 207-10; Moscow, Institut Marksizma-Leninizma, Kommunisticheskaia partita v bor’be za postroenie sotsializma v SSSR, 1921-1937, vol. 4 of Istoriia kom- munisticheshoi partii Sovetskogo Soiuza, 6 vols. (Moscow: Politizdat, 1966-70), 1970, part 1, p. 83; Vasser, “Razgrom anarkho-sindikalistskogo uklonom,” pp. 69-72.
2. Izvestiia TsK, 27 January 1921, pp. 22-23.
3. KPSS, Otchet zhenotdela, p. 5.
4. Ibid., p. 6; Pravda, 24 April 1921; Kollontai, “Na puti k kommunizmu,” p. 18; Bil’shai, “Shtab zhenskogo dvizheniia,” pp. 255-56.
5. Pravda, 10 April 1921. According to the editors of Izbrannye stat’i, the lectures ran from February to July (p. 424). Isabel de Palencia places them in 1920, and there is internal evidence that they were written then. Furthermore, one chapter was published as an article in 1920. (“Trudovaia povinnost’ i okhrana zhenskogo truda,” Kommunistka, no. 1-2 [June-July 1920], pp. 2527.) Probably, therefore, the lectures were written in 1920 and delivered in 1921. They were later published together as Polozhenie zhenshchiny v sviazi s evoliutsiei khoziaistva (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1921).
6. Pravda, 19 April 1921.
7. For two earlier articles which began Kollontai’s discussion of the abolition of the bourgeois family see Kollontai, Prostitutsiia i mery bor'by s nei (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1921), and Kollontai, “Sem’ia i kommunizm,” Kom- munistka, no. 7 (December 1920), pp. 16-17. Kollontai later wrote that the “Theses” (“Tezisy o kommunisticheskoi morali v oblasti brachnikh otnoshenii,” Kommunistka, no. 13-14 [May-June 1921], pp. 28-34) provoked a “heated discussion.” (Autobiographie, p. 60; “Avtobiograficheskii ocherk,” p. 302.) Krup- skaia, the editor of Kommunistka, did append a note to the article, requesting letters that debated the issues Kollontai had raised, but if they came in they were never printed in that journal. Subsequent editions of Kommunistka were devoted to famine relief and then to the NEP.
8. For two other articles that stress communalization but avoid reference to the Workers’ Opposition see Kollontai, “Proizvodstvo i byt,” Kommunistka, no. 10-11 (March-April 1921), pp. 6-9; Kollontai, “Profsoiuzy i rabotnitsa,” Pravda, 22 May 1921, p. 2.
9. Bernhard Reichenbach, “Moscow 1921,” Survey (October 1964), pp. 2021; Daniels, Conscience, p. 162.
10. Pravda, 11 June, 12 June, 14 June, 15 June, 16 June, 17 June 1921.
11. Itkina, p. 214. Body also says Lenin asked her not to speak. (“Kollontai,”
12. Body, “Kollontai,” pp. 12-13; Reichenbach, “Moscow,” p. 21.
13. Communist International, 3d congress, Moscow, 1921, Tretii vsemirnyi kongress Kommunisticheskogo Internatsionala: Stenograficheskii otchet (Petro- grad: Gosizdat, 1922), p. 369.
14. Ibid., pp. 367-70.
15. A. A. Andreev, Professional’nye soiuzy v Rossii v 1921-1922 godu (Petro- grad: Izd. redaktsionno-izdatel’stvennogo otdela VTSPS, 1922), p. 52; T. H. Rigby, Communist Party Membership in the U.S.S.R., 1917-1967 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), p. 85.
16. Body, “Kollontai,” p. 13.
17. Communist International, Tretii kongress, pp. 371-74, 379-81.
18. Itkina, p. 214.
19. Reichenbach, “Moscow,” p. 21.
20. Communist International, Tretii s’’ezd, pp. 435-36, 437.
21. Body, “Kollontai,” p. 13.
22. KPSS, Desiatyi s”ezd, p. 597.
23. KPSS, Otchet zhenotdela, pp. 18-19.
24. Izvestiia TsK, 20 July 1921, p. 11.
25. Ibid., 6 August 1921, pp. 15, 15-16.
26. KPSS, Otchet zhenotdela, pp. 5-7, 20; M. O. Levkovich, “Kto-kogo?” Bez nikh my ne pobedili by, p. 262; Tarantaeva, “Podnialis,” p. 353.
27. Kollontai, “Ne uprazdnenie, a ukreplenie,” Kommunistka, no. 16-17 (September-October 1921), p. 26.
28. Ibid., pp. 25-27.
29. Izvestiia TsK, March 1922, p. 45.
30. R. Kovnator, “Rabotnitsa v pechat,” Tri goda diktatury, p. 56.
31. Kollontai, “Tvorcheskoe v rabote K. N. Samoilovoi,” p. 10.
32. Pravda, 5 November 1921.
33. Pravda did not report the contents of Sosnovskii’s speech. For a very brief summary of Kollontai’s, see “Itogi vserossiiskogo Soveshchaniia Zagub- zhenotdelami,” Kommunistka, no. 1 (January 1922), p. 2.
34. Izvestiia TsK, 15 November 1921, p. 16; 15 December 1921, p. 26.
35. Ibid., 15 December 1921, pp. 26-27; January 1922, p. 22; “Itogi vserossiiskogo Soveshchaniia Zagubzhenotdelami,” pp. 2-3.
36. Izvestiia TsK, March 1922, pp. 45-46, 49-51; KPSS, Otchet zhenotdela, pp. 5, 6, 10-11, 24; Smidovich, “The Russian Communist Party at Work Among Women,” CPGB, Work Among Women, pp. 23-24; O. Chernisheva, “Methods of Approaching the Working Women Through the Unions,” ibid., p. 46; Bil’shai, “Shtab zhenskogo dvizheniia,” pp. 253-54; Petrova, Sovetsfye profsoiuzy, p. 38.
37. “Kollontai in Russia Fights for Her Sex; First Woman Commissar Heckles Government Till She Gets Action,” New York Times, 21 November 1921, sec. 1, p. 5.
38. Izvestiia TsK, January 1922, p. 23; S”ezd sovetov, Vserossiiskii s”ezd sovetov, 9:265.
39. Kollontai, “Eshche odin perezhitok,” Pravda, 27 December 1921, p. 1.
40. KPSS, Odinnadtsatyi s”ezd RKP(b): Stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow: Politizdat, 1961), p. 748; Schapiro, Origins, p. 326.
41. Schapiro, Origins, pp. 329-30; Rigby, Communist Party Membership, pp. 98-100; M. S. Zorkii, Rabochaia oppozitsiia (Moscow: Gosizdat, 1926), pp. 59-61.
42. Zorkii, Rabochaia oppozitsiia, pp. 59-60. This group was not the faction of the year before. Only eight of the present twenty-two had signed the “Theses” then, although at least two others, A. G. Pravdin and N. V. Kutuzov, had been identified with the faction throughout 1921. Two of the spokesmen at the Tenth Congress, A. S. Kiselev and 1.1. Kutuzov, had left the Workers’ Opposition. Lutovinov had fallen away during the summer. Included in the group now were F. A. Mitin and V. P. Bekrenev, who had only recently joined the Bolsheviks, having been Mensheviks or anarchists, and G. I. Miasni- kov, who advocated peasant unions.
43. Shliapnikov and Kollontai said as much in their statements to the party congress. (KPSS, Odinnadtsatyi s”ezd, p. 187, 198.)
44. Ibid., p. 196, 177, 702-10.
45. The exact date she was fired is not clear, either. A Zhenotdel decree of 16 February bears the signature of Sofia Smidovich as department head, so Kollontai was definitely out by then. (Izvestiia TsK, May 1922, p. 35.) Since her deputy Golubeva signed the decrees issued in January by the bureau, however, it is impossible to tell exactly when she was removed. She did not mention it in her memoirs.
46. KPSS, Odinnadtsatyi s’’ezd, pp. 132, 177.
47. Kollontai, The Workers Opposition in Russia (Chicago: Industrial Workers of the World, 1921), pp. 1-2.
48. Communist International, Executive Committee, 1st plenum, 1922, Compte rendu de la conference de 1’exécutif élargi de l'lnternationale Com- muniste (Paris: “L'Humanité,” 1922), pp. 59, 170-71; Zorkii, Rabochaia oppozitsiia, pp. 60-64.
49. Schapiro, Origins, p. 334; Mikoian, Mysli, p. 210; KPSS, Odinnadtsatyi s”ezd, p. 195.
50. Vasser, “Razgrom anarkho-sindikalistskogo uklonom,” pp. 73-74.
51. Lenin, PSS, 45:88-89.
52. KPSS, Odinnadtsatyi s”ezd, pp. 166-79.
53. Ibid., pp. 186-89, 191-96.
54. Ibid., p. 199.
55. Ibid., pp. 200-201.
56. Ibid., pp. 702-10, 577-80; Schapiro, Origins, p. 336.
57. KPSS, Odinnadtsatyi s”ezd, p. 577.
58. Deutscher, Trade Unions, pp. 61-65.
59. Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 61.
60. Itkina, p. 193. Palencia (p. 176) and Hauge (pp. 50-51) assert that the two broke up in 1922. Emy Lorentsson, Kollontai’s secretary in the thirties and forties, told Hauge that the short story “Vasilisa Malygina” described Dybenko’s suicide attempt on learning that Kollontai planned to leave him for good. She then stayed to nurse him back to health, only to hear him call deliriously for his mistress. Lorentsson did not know Kollontai in 1922, and it seems likely that she is assuming Kollontai’s melodramatic story was true in all its details. Without less gossipy corroboration, that is a dubious assumption. Anna Itkina, who did know Kollontai at the time, says also that Dybenko had a mistress, but she shows far more convincingly that the couple decided on a final separation only in early 1923 (p. 194). The editors of Kollontai’s memoirs also accept that date (Iz moei zhizni, p. 408, ?. 1.). There is some evidence that the woman pictured as the mistress in “Vasilisa Malygina,” a bourgeoise unable to support herself without a man, is drawn from Dybenko’s new love. In the September issue of Kommunistka Kollontai attacked the “doll-parasite” woman who had begun to flourish under the NEP by latching on to Soviet officials. (“Novaia ugroza,” Kommunistka, no. 8-9 [August-September 1922], pp. 5-9.)
61. Palencia, Kollontai, p. 176.
62. Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 61.
63. Itkina, p. 216.
64. Kollontai, Skoro (cherez 48 let) (Omsk, 1922).
65. Kollontai, “Pis’ma k triudiashcheisia molodezhi. Pis’mo pervoe: Kakim dolzhen byt’ kommunist?” Molodaia gvardiia, no. 1-2 (1922), pp. 136-44.
66. Kollontai, “Pis’ma k triudiashcheisia molodezhi. Pis’mo vtoroe: Moral kak orudie klassovogo gospodstva i klassovoi bor’by,” Molodaia gvardiia, no. 6-7 (September-October 1922), p. 132. Italics mine.
67. “Soviet Names Woman for Diplomatic Post,” New York Times, 28 September 1922, sec. 1, p. 3.
10. WINGED EROS
1. Body, “Kollontai,” p. 13; Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky, 1921-1929 (New York: Vintage, 1959), pp. 95-96. The same rumors usually said Zinoviev was her chief persecutor. See also Ellen Michelsen, Sju kvinnor ur den ryska revolutionens historia (Stockholm: Axel Holmströms, 1932), p.163.
2. Alfred Rosmer, Lenin's Moscow, Ian H. Birchall, trans. (London: Pluto, 1971), p. 168; Body, “Kollontai,” p. 14.
3. Kollontai, “Pis’ma k triudiashcheisia molodezhi. Pis’mo tret’e: O ‘drakone’ i ‘beloi ptitse,’ ” Molodaia gvardiia, no. 2 (February-March 1923), pp. 162-74.
4. Kollontai, “Pis’ma k triudiashcheisia molodezhi. Dorogu krylatomu Erosu!” Molodaia gvardiia, no. 3 (May 1923), p. 122.
5. Ibid., p. 121.
6. Ibid., p. 123.
7. Kollontai, “Sestry,” Kommunistka, no. 3-4 (March-April 1923), pp. 23-26.
8. Kollontai [pseud. A. Domontovich], “Tridtsat’-dve stranitsy,” Zhenshchina na perelome, p. 5.
9. Kendall E. Bailes, “Alexandra Kollontai et la nouvelle morale,” Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique 6 (October-December 1965):489-96.
10. Though he accepts Bailes’s hypothesis, Robert McNeal sees Krupskaia as avoiding the Opposition primarily because she wished to remain in useful work. (Bride of the Revolution: Krupskaya and Lenin [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1972], pp. 252-56.)
11. Kollontai, Svobodnaia liubov' (Liubov’ pchel trudovikh) (Riga: Kni- goizd. O. D. Strok, 1925).
12. Kollontai, “Liubov’ trekh pokolenii,” Liubov' pchel trudovikh (Petro- grad: Gosizdat, 1923), pp. 3-74.
13. I thank my colleague Guy Alitto for bringing the influence of Kollontai in China to my attention.
14. Biulleten knigi, no. 3 (1923), p. 45; Novaia kniga, no. 3-4 (1924), p. 27; Russkii sovremennik, no. 1 (1924), pp. 339-40.
15. For a discussion of Trotsky’s ideas see Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed, pp. 164-200.
16. Polina Vinogradskaia, “Voprosy byta,” Pravda, 26 July 1923, pp. 4-5.
17. B. Arvatov, “Grazhdanka Akhmatova i tov. Kollontai,” Molodaia gvardiia, no. 4-5 (1923), p. 148.
18. Vinogradskaia wrote that Krupskaia approved it. (Vinogradskaia, Pam- iatnye vstrechi, p. 53.)
19. P. Vinogradskaia, “Voprosy morali, pola, byta, i tovarishch Kollontai,” Krasnaia nov, no. 6 (16) (November 1923), p. 181.
20. Ibid., pp. 210, 213.
21. Body, “Kollontai,” p. 14; Krasnaia nov,’ no. 7 (1923), p. 306. Body says Kollontai was protesting against a series of articles published in Pravda which carried exaggerated versions of her ideas over her initials. A thorough search of the newspaper for 1923 has not turned up any such articles, however. It seems likely, therefore, that Body was confused about the Vinogradskaia articles, which certainly did exaggerate Kollontai’s views.
22. “Soviet Envoy a Feminist,” New York Times, 13 February 1923, sec. 1, p. 2.
23. Vinogradskaia, Pamiatnye vstrechi, p. 53.
24. S. I. Kaplun, Sovremennye problemy zhenskogo truda i byta (Moscow: Voprosy truda, 1924).
25. See A. Zalkind, “Polovoi vopros s kommunisticheskoi tochki zreniia,” in Polovoi vopros, S. M. Kalmanson, ed. (Moscow: Molodaia gvardiia, 1924), pp. 5-38. This article is especially interesting because Professor Zalkind later became the advocate of a puritanical sexual code popular during the thirties. See Jessica Smith, Women in Soviet Russia (New York: Vanguard, 1928), pp. 129-30. For a good discussion of the early Soviet debate on sexuality, see Geiger, The Family in Soviet Russia, pp. 61-75. For a fascinating collection of letters by women Communists discussing the effect of freer sexuality see L. S. Sosnovskii, Bol’nye voprosy (zhenshchina, sem’ia i deti) (Leningrad: Priboi, 1926).
26. For a discussion of these and later memoir articles see Note on Sources in the Bibliography.
27. I base these conclusions on an interview with Bertram Wolfe, Stanford, California, 1973, and on one with Alva Myrdal conducted by Britta Stövling, Stockholm, February 1976; on the dossier of press clippings at the Bibliothèque Marguerite Durand; and on a number of articles, books, and book reviews. See Katharine Anthony, “Alexandra Kollontay,” The North American Review 230 (September 1930) :277—82; Alexandra Kollontai, Marxisme et révolution sex- uelle, Judith Stora-Sandor, ed. (Paris: François Maspero, 1973); Anna Louise Strong, I Change Worlds (New York: Henry Holt, 1935); and reviews in Die Frau, no. 33 (1925), p. 432; The Times Literary Supplement, 29 April 1926, p. 310; Weltbühne, 10 August 1926, p. 230; Schweiz Rundschau, no. 30 (1929), p. 260.
28. Geiger, Family in Soviet Russia, pp. 50, 59; Smith, Women in Soviet Russia, pp. 96-110. For a detailed account of this debate see Beatrice Farnsworth, “Bolshevik Alternatives and the Soviet Family: The 1926 Marriage Law Debate,” in Women in Russia, pp. 139-65, and Brak i byt: Sbornik statei i materialov (Moscow: Molodaia gvardiia, 1926). Kollontai pointed out that the reformers were motivated as much by their concern over “depravity” as by a desire to provide regular alimony, and her observation seems to be borne out by the evidence. See E. Lavrov, “Polovoi vopros i molodezh’,” Molodaia gvardiia, no. 2 (March 1926), pp. 136-48. Emelian Iaroslavskii, an Old Bolshevik, said he had spent nine years in prison without sex and suffered no ill effects, but that now he often met young men worn out by “leading a life that many of us old men have not led.” “Continence,” he assured the young, was not harmful. He could not quite bring himself to say it was desirable. (E. Iaroslavskii, “Moral’ i byt proletariata v perekhodnyi period,” Molodaia gvardiia, no. 3 [May 1926], pp. 138-53.)
29. Kollontai, “Brak i byt,” Rabochii sud', no. 5 (1926), p. 372.
30. Kaplun, Sovremennye problemy, pp. 75-76.
31. Kollontai, “Brak i byt,” p. 376.
32. Kollontai, Autobiographie, p. 60.
33. See Massell, The Surrogate Proletariat.
34. V. I. Lenin, The Emancipation of Women (New York: International Publishers, 1966), p. 81.
11. DIPLOMAT
1. Body, “Kollontai,” p. 13; Hauge, p. 54. Kaare Hauge based his study of Kollontai’s activities in the twenties on research in the foreign ministry archives of Norway and Sweden, and on oral interviews. I am indebted to him here and elsewhere.
2. Hauge, pp. 67-76; Dokumenty vneshnei politiki SSSR, 19 vols. (Moscow: Politizdat, 1960-74), 6 (1962): 456-66; Kollontai, Izbrannye stat’i, pp. 353-56.
3. Kollontai, Autobiographie, pp. 65-66; Itkina, pp. 223-33; Dokumenty vneshnei politiki, 7 (1963): 107-9, 704, n. 24; 8 (1963) :463—64; Hauge, pp. 77-94.
4. Itkina, p. 222.
5. Ibid., p. 224.
6. The treatment of the French and Scandinavian press is preserved in a collection of clippings at the Marguerite Durand Library in Paris. My generalizations are drawn from their “Dossier” in addition to surveys of the London Times, New York Times, and various magazines listed in the Bibliography. See also J. Stanley Lemons, The Woman Citizen: Social Feminism in the 1920's (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973), pp. 193, 212-13, 216-18. The charge that American feminists were linked to Bolsheviks and especially to Kollontai was first made during the “Red Scare” in the United States in 1919-20. See Richard J. Evans, The Feminists: Women’s Emancipation Movements in Europe, America, and Australasia 1840-1920 (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1977), p. 207.
7. Itkina, p. 226.
8. Ibid., pp. 233-34.
9. Body, “Kollontai,” pp. 17, 18; Hauge, pp. 97-101, 104; Futrell, Northern Underground, pp. 113-14. Kollontai’s attempt to resign from diplomatic work may have been the source of rumors in 1925 that Bukharin was planning to remove her from her post because she had spent too much money on high- fashion Parisian clothes. There was a soberer report that the party was angry at her for communications with the Norwegian Communist Party. Here again Bukharin was said to be in Oslo in disguise for the purpose of firing her. This latter story may be true, although it is not clear why Bukharin would have been the official involved. If there is truth in it, the evidence is lost, and all we have are rumors so wildly exaggerated that we cannot determine with any certainty what actual events gave rise to them. They were reported by moderate to conservative papers always prone to see the Soviet ambassador up to her neck in conspiracy. For representative newspaper articles see Dossier, Biblio- thèque Marguerite Durand; Social-Demobraten, 14 May 1925.
10. Hauge, p. 108.
11. Body, “Kollontai,” pp. 19-22; Ruth Fischer, Stalin and German Communism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1948), pp. 159-60n.
12. Stanley S. Jados, ed., Documents on Russian-American Relations (Washington: The Catholic University of America Press, 1965), p. 62.
13. “The Case for Madame Kollontay,” The Literary Digest, 20 November 1926, p. 15; “Kollontai Rebuff Condemned by Borah,” New York Times, 6 November 1926, sec. 1, p. 19; “Cuba Bars Mme. Kollontai,” New York Times, 4 December 1926, sec. 1, p. 5; “Mme Kollontai at Havana,” New York Times, 5 December 1926, sec. 1, p. 7; Dokumenty vneshnei politiki, 9 (1964) :586-89.
14. Karl M. Schmitt, Communism in Mexico: A Study in Political Frustration (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1965), pp. 9-12; J. Gregory Oswald, “An Introduction to Soviet Diplomatic Relations with Mexico, Uruguay, and Cuba,” The Communist Tide in Latin America, Donald L. Herman, ed. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), p. 75.
15. Oswald, “Introduction,” pp. 77-78; Bertram Wolfe, interview at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, Stanford, California, July, 1973.
16. Dokumenty vneshnei politiki, 9:588.
17. “Kellogg Offers Evidence of Red Plots in Nicaragua and Aid from Calles; Mexico Looks for Recall of Sheffield,” New York Times, 13 January 1927, p. 1; U.S. Department of State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1927, 3 vols. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1942), 1:356-63.
18. For Kollontai’s denials that she was bent on revolutionary propaganda see “Woman Envoy Hits Intrigue,” New York Times, 19 October 1926, sec. 1, p. 26; “Reds of Mexico City Hail Mme. Kollontay,” New York Times, 9 December 1926, sec. 1, p. 5; “Woman Envoy’s Books Far Outnumber Gowns,” New York Times, 10 December 1926, sec. 1, p. 3; A. I. Sizonenko, “Polgoda v Meksike,” V strane atstekskogo orla (Moscow: Mezh. otnosheniia, 1969), p. 49; Oswald, “Introduction,” p. 77.
19. Sizonenko, “Polgoda,” pp. 48-49; Oswald, “Introduction,” p. 78; Doku- menty vneshnei politiki, 10 (1965):625, n11.
20. Itkina, p. 240.
21. Sizonenko, “Polgoda,” p. 49; Itkina, pp. 241-44.
22. “Want Mme. Kollontai Expelled from Mexico,” New York Times, 12 April 1927, sec. 1, p. 23; Alfonso Taracena, La verdadera revolutión mexicana (Mexico City: Editorial jus, 1963), p. 180.
23. Itkina, p. 246. Kollontai’s successor as Soviet ambassador to Mexico, Aleksandr Makar, was expelled in 1930 for conspiratorial associations with the PCM. Diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and Mexico were not restored until 1942. See Oswald, “Introduction,” p. 79.
24. Victor Serge and Natalia Sedova Trotsky, The Life and Death of Leon Trotsky, Arnold J. Pomerans, trans. (New York: Basic Books, 1975), p. 155.
25. Ibid.; Susanne Leonhard, “Alexandra Kollontaj,” Aktion, 2 June 1952, p. 48.
26. Kollontai, “Oppozitsiia i partiinaia massa,” Pravda, 30 October 1927, p. 3.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. Hauge, pp. 121-22.
31. Dokumenty vneshnei politiki, 11 (1966): 116-18, 150-51, 501-3, 565-66, 602-3, 614-16; 12 (1967):62, 72-73, 99-100, 330-33, 476-78; 13 (1967): 11-13, 29-30, 40-42, 75, 80-81, 133-36, 143-44, 171-73, 452-53, 502-3, 528-29; Hauge, pp. 127-50; Itkina, pp. 246-55.
32. Ibid., 11:614-16; 12:99-100; 13:133-36, 463-65.
33. Body, “Kollontai,” p. 23.
34. Hauge, p. 151; E. G. Lorenson, “A. M. Kollontai v Shvetsii,” Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 1 (1966), p. 106; Dokumenty vneshnei politiki, 13:377.
35. “Kollontay i Finland, på stormigt Ålands hav, i fängelse och sjuglasva- gan,” Folket i bild, no. 51-52 (1944), p. 81.
36. Dokumenty vneshnei politiki, 13:720-21; 14( 1968):449—50; 15 (1969): 53-55, 571-72, 633-34; 16 (1970) :91-93; 17 (1971) :46-48, 237-38, 298, 318-20; 18(1973) :618, 110-11; Hauge, pp. 167-77; Lorenson, p. 109; Kollontai, “Iz vospominanii,” pp. 81-82.
37. For a sample of government and nongovernment impressions see Vilhelm Assarsson, / Skuggan av Stalin ([Stockholm]: Bonniers, 1963), pp. 25-26; Erik Boheman, På vakt: Kabinettssekreterare under Andra Världskriget (Stockholm: Norstedt, 1964), p. 51; Karl Gerhard, Om jag inte minns fel (Stockholm: Bonniers, 1952), p. 207; “Alexandra Kollontay—75 âr,” Morgon- Tidningen, 1 April 1947, p. 5; Per Nyström, “Alexandra Kollontay,” Afton- Tidningen, 30 July 1945, p. 5; “Madame Kollontai—den sista puritanen,” Stockholms-Tidningen, 26 July 1945, p. 7; Nanna Svartz, Steg för steg (Stockholm: Bonniers, 1968), p. 134. This conclusion is also based on interviews conducted by Sonya Baevsky and Britta Stövling with Erik Boheman, Margit Palmaer-Waldén, Alva Myrdal, Nanna Svartz, Eva Palmaer, and Agneta Pleijel, in Stockholm in February and March 1976.
38. E. Voskresenskaia, “Sovetskii polpred,” Ogonek, no. 15 (April 1962), p. 5.
39. Maiskii, “Kollontai,” p. 109.
40. Anna Lenah Elgström, “Alexandra Kollontay, Sovjets ambassador,” Tidens kvinnor (Stockholm: Steinvicks bokförlag, 1944), p. 13.
41. Gerhard, Om jag inte minns fel, p. 207.
42. League of Nations, Official Journal, Special Supplement #157, Records of the 17th Ordinary Session of the Assembly, Meetings of the Committees (Geneva: League of Nations, 1936), pp. 12-13, 32-34. Kollontai also attended in 1935 and 1937. See League of Nations, Official journal, Special Supplement #139, Records of the 16th Ordinary Session of the Assembly, Meetings of Committees (Geneva: League of Nations, 1935), pp. 13-31, 37, 51; Official journal, Special Supplement #170, Records of the 18th Ordinary Session of the Assembly, Meetings of the Committees (Geneva: League of Nations, 1937), pp. 2021; Official journal, Special Supplement #174, Records of the 18th Ordinary Session of the Assembly, Meetings of the Fifth Committee (Geneva: League of Nations, 1937), pp. 63-64.
43. Nilsson, “Det stora uppdraget,” no. 35, p. 11.
44. Gerhard, Om jag inte minns fel, p. 208.
45. See also Nilsson, no. 36, p. 17.
46. Ibid., no. 37, p. 40. Nilsson said that Kollontai thought she was being watched. (Ibid., p. 16.) This was common practice in Soviet embassies. One NKVD agent who spied on her in 1943 and 1944 later defected and described his activity. See Vladimir M. and Evdokia Petrov, Empire of Fear (New York: Praeger, 1956), pp. 160, 173-75, 189-93.
47. Body, “Kollontai,” p. 24.
48. Ibid. Either Kollontai or Body errs slightly here; Dybenko was not killed until 1938, although he was arrested in 1937.
49. Haupt and Marie, Makers of the Revolution, p. 221.
50. Ibid., p. 125; Robert Conquest, The Great Terror (New York: Macmillan, 1968), pp. 222-23. In memoirs written between 1939 and 1944 she said that she did not believe Dybenko to be guilty. (Petrov, Empire of Fear, p. 192.) Although he was rehabilitated in 1964, that portion of her memoirs has never been published. For the rehabilitation see “Vernyi syn Leninskoi partii,” Pravda, 17 February 1964, p. 4.
51. Nilsson, “Det stora uppdraget,” no. 37, p. 40.
52. Conquest, The Great Terror, p. 454.
53. Kollontai, “Ruka istorii,” pp. 68-70.
54. I have taken some liberties here in translating iudush\a as “Judas.” It literally means “little Judas,” and figuratively means dissembling hypocrite. Lenin originally applied it to Trotsky in 1912 and 1913, thereby likening Trotsky’s attempt to mediate between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks to the hypocrisy of Iudushka Golovlev, a character in The Golovlevs, a novel by the nineteenth-century writer ?. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin.
55. Kollontai, “V V,” Izvestiia, 24 October 1937, n.p. Later versions of this article have relied on the 1927 original. See “Na istoricheskom zasedanii,” Ob ll’iche: Vospominaniia pitertsev (Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1970), pp. 351-54; Jz moei zhizni, pp. 311-13. Another article published in November 1937 praises Stalin, but does not criticize the defeated Bolsheviks. (Kollontai, “Zhenshchiny v semnadtsatom godu,” Rabotnitsa, no. 31 [November 1937], pp. 12-13.)
56. Petrov, “Meridiany druzhby,” pp. 165-66.
57. Nilsson, “Det stora uppdraget,” no. 37, p. 40.
58. Gerhard, Om jag inte minns fel, p. 209.
59. Nilsson, “Det stora uppdraget,” no. 36, p. 17.
60. Adam Ulam, Expansion and Coexistence: The History of Soviet Foreign Policy 1917-67 (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 290; C. Leonard Lundin, Finland in the Second World War (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1957), pp. 51-52.
61. Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 10-11, 35-42.
62. For the Soviet attitude see Dokumenty vneshnei politiki, 17:64-65, 63638, 644-46, 699-700; 18:467-68, 473, 521-23, 543-44, 559-60, 575-76; 19 (1974): 80-86, 114. For the Finns see Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 28-29, 35-36.
63. Ibid., pp. 42-49.
64. Ulam, Expansion and Coexistence, pp. 290-94.
65. Assarsson, I Skuggan av Stalin, p. 13.
66. Boheman, På vakt, p. 98. Boheman was a deputy foreign minister who served as Gunther’s assistant during the Winter War and as chief mediator in 1943-44.
67. Krister Wahlbäck, Finlands frägan i svensk politik 1937-1940 (Stockholm: Stockholm Universitet, 1964), p. 193; Väinö Tanner, The Winter War (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957), p. 62; “U.S. to Demand Soviet Release Ship,” New York Times, 25 October 1939, p. 1; Nilsson, “Det stora uppdraget,” no. 35, p. 10.
68. Gerhard, Om jag inte minns fel, p. 214.
69. Boheman, På vakt, pp. 98-99.
70. Ibid., pp. 99-100; Gerhard, Om jag inte minns fel, pp. 214-16.
71. Tanner, The Winter War, pp. 123-24.
72. Boheman, På vakt, p. 100; Tanner, The Winter War, pp. 124-26.
73. Tanner, The Winter War, pp. 125-30.
74. Ibid., pp. 130-50.
75. Ibid., pp. 151-70.
76. Boheman, På vakt, pp. 100-102, 104; Tanner, The Winter War, pp. 170— 74; Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 64-65.
77. Tanner, The Winter War, p. 179, 185; Assarsson, I Skuggan av Stalin, pp. 13-14.
78. Tanner, The Winter War, p. 185.
79. Ibid., pp. 188-213; Boheman, På vakt, pp. 101-5; Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 73-77.
80. Ulam, Expansion and Coexistence, p. 294.
81. Boheman, På vakt, pp. 106-8; Tanner, The Winter War, pp. 219-40; Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 78-79.
82. Max Jakobson, The Diplomacy of the Winter War (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), p. 210.
83. Assarsson, I Skuggan av Stalin, pp. 22-27; Itkina, p. 27; A. S. Kan, Vneshnaia politika skandinavskikh stran v gody vtoroi mirovoi voiny (Moscow: Nauka, 1967), p. 144; J. K. Paasikivi, President J. K. Paasikivis minnen, 2 vols. (Stockholm: Bonner, 1958), 2:70.
84. Gunnar Hagglof, Diplomat (London: Bodley Head, 1971), p. 162.
85. Itkina, pp. 270-73; Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series D (1937-45), 13 vols. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1956), 9:567.
86. Palencia, Kollontai, p. 18.
87. Svartz, Steg för steg, pp. 120-25; Nilsson, “Det stora uppdraget,” no. 37, pp. 18-19.
88. Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 82-189; John H. Wuo- rinen, ed., Finland and World War II, 1939-1944 (New York: Ronald Press, 1948), pp. 81-144. Professor Wuorinen was the editor of this book, smuggled out of Finland in 1945. He thought it was written by several Finnish government officials. It is a statement of the Finnish position, and although it contains valuable material, it attempts to prove that the Soviet Union started the Continuation War. This contention is not borne out by the facts. The study generally represents the attitudes of the conservative to moderate elements in the Ryti cabinet.
89. Boheman, På vakt, pp. 245-47; Samuel Abrahamsen, Sweden’s Foreign Policy (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1957), p. 47.
90. G. A. Gripenberg, En beskickningschefs minnen, 2 vols. (Stockholm: Natur och kultur, 1960), 2:153-67; Väinö Tanner, Väägen till fred, 1943-1944 (Stockholm: Holger Schildt, 1952), p. 174; Wuorinen, Finland and World War 11, p. 156. Tanner was now finance minister.
91. Boheman, På vakt, p. 248.
92. Ibid., p. 249-51: Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, p. 146; Tanner, Vägen, p. 119.
93. Boheman, På vakt, p. 255.
94. Ibid., pp. 251-55; Gripenberg, Minnen, pp. 175-207; Tanner, Vägen, pp. 93-141; Wuorinen, Finland and World War II, pp. 145-65, 162—63; Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 193-98.
95. Boheman, På vakt, pp. 255-56; Gripenberg, Minnen, pp. 210-18; Tanner, Vägen, pp. 147-64; Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 199-200: “Mme. Kollontay is Ill,” New York Times, 3 April 1944, sec. 1, p. 9.
96. Boheman, På vakt, pp. 256-57; Tanner, Vägen, pp. 162-228; Gripenberg, Minnen, pp. 219-37; Wuorinen, Finland and World War II, pp. 172-73.
97. Boheman, På vakt, pp. 257-58; Gripenberg, Minnen, pp. 239-43; Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 206-21; Wuorinen, Finland and World War II, pp. 173-74.
98. Boheman, På vakt, pp. 258-59; Gripenberg, Minnen, pp. 249-55.
99. Boheman, På vakt, p. 259.
100. Gripenberg, Minnen, p. 259.
101. Tanner, Vägen, pp. 251—82; Boheman, På vakt, pp. 259-62; Gripenberg, Minnen, pp. 257-94; Lundin, Finland in the Second World War, pp. 224—49.
102. Boheman, På vakt, p. 262.
103. Ibid.; Gripenberg, Minnen, pp. 296-97; Wuorinen, Finland and World War II, p. 167; Morgon-Tidningen, 26 July 1945.
104. Boheman, På vakt, p. 262.
105. Ibid.; Gripenberg, Minnen, p. 284.
106. Ibid., p. 295.
107. Svartz, Steg för steg, pp. 125-27.
108. Nilsson, “Det stora uppdraget,” no. 38, p. 16; Stockholms-Tidningen, 26 July 1945.
109. For notes on these memoirs see Note on Sources in the Bibliography.
110. Itkina, pp. 278-84; Bertil Wagner, “Alexandra Kollontay—världens första kvinnliga ambassador,” Arbetartidning, 13 March 1962, p. 9; “Nobel Prize May Go to Madame Kollontay,” New York Times, 31 October 1946, sec. 1, p. 4; Nilsson, “Det stora uppdraget,” no. 38, p. 16.
111. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, p. 368; Dangulov, Dvenadtsat’ dorog na Egl, p. 288.
112. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 367-68; Wagner, “Kollontay,” p. 9.
113. Kollontai, Iz moei zhizni, pp. 365-66.
114. Ibid., p. 367.
115. Itkina, p. 285.
116. Izvestiia, 11 March 1952, p. 4. The foreign press was kinder. Time and Newsweek described Kollontai as “the red rose of the Revolution.” (24 March 1952, p. 79; 24 March 1952, p. 98.) The London Times saw her as an “impetuous” radical in her youth, but a competent diplomat in later life. (12 March 1952, p. 8). For Swedish newspapers see Arbetaren, 13 March 1952, p. 2, and Social-Demokraten, 12 March 1952, pp. 1 and 8. The latter observed, “It is certainly no exaggeration to say that passionate struggle was fundamental in her nature, and that it did not always live in peace and harmony with the quick and clear intellect, which was another of her many gifts.”
117. Kollontai, “Iz vospominanii,” p. 85.
We use cookies to analyze our traffic. Please decide if you are willing to accept cookies from our website. You can change this setting anytime in Privacy Settings.